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| June 14, 2001 |
| June 14, 2001 |
Vieques -- An Early Base Closure?
Colonel Daniel Smith, USA (Ret.), Chief of Research, dsmith@cdi.org
On June 14, the Pentagon announced that the Navy will end its use of Vieques Island as a pre-deployment exercise area for naval aviation, surface gunnery, and Marine amphibious landing practice by May 2003.
The 33,000 acre island off Puerto Rico's east coast has been bombarded for 60 years by warplanes and guns and assaulted by Marines conducting amphibious exercises. But after a civilian guard was killed by an errant bomb in April 1999, the Navy has been in a fight to continue using the range. No live ordnance has been dropped since.
In one sense, it was a stunning announcement as the Navy has maintained that Vieques fills a "critical need by providing the only East Coast weapons range...that supports comprehensive combined training requirements for naval air and gunfire support for Marines ashore."
In another sense, it was probably inevitable.
As long ago as October 1999 a presidential commission convened specifically to review the dispute recommended that the Naval base be closed within five years. In December 1999 the outlines of an agreement were struck. The Navy agreed to abide by a referendum, now scheduled for November 2001, whose main options were to leave by 2003 -- but in the interim the Navy could resume bombing using dummy munitions -- or, if allowed to stay and resume live firing exercises, the federal government would contribute $90 million for infrastructure improvements and other economic aid for the sland's residents.
Meanwhile, the Navy found alternatives, although none, according to officials, could match Vieques. In December 1999, the USS Eisenhower carrier battle group conducted live fire training for pilots at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida and three ships diverted to Cape Wrath, Scotland for surface gunnery qualifications before proceeding to their destination.
In May, the USS George Washington battle group trained at Eglin and off the coasts of North Carolina and Virginia. But restrictions imposed by commercial air activity, dense population centers, and range constraints make Eglin less than ideal. (Restrictions also affect the use of the Pine Castle live fire range south of Jacksonville, Florida.) Not until August, with the USS Harry Truman battle group, did training resume at Vieques, although Eglin hosted a small training exercise and a later one (January 2001) from the USS Enterprise.
Politics also was a factor. In the 2000 campaign for president, both George W. Bush and Al Gore promised to abide by the deal struck between the Clinton Administration and the Puerto Rican government. Some in Congress were unhappy with the bargain. In March, 2000, an attempt to tie payment of the first $40 million for Vieques to resumption of live fire training was defeated in the House of Representatives by 49 votes. Then in November Sila Maria Calderon won election as governor of Puerto Rico. One of her main issues was ending the Navy bombing on Vieques. Since her election, a local anti-noise regulation affecting beaches and adjacent waters was enacted and a non-binding "advisory" referendum scheduled for late July. The referendum would have three options: the Navy must leave, the Navy can remain in exchange for the outstanding $50 million from the original agreement, or all war games must stop immediately.
A way out of the impasse surfaced temporarily in March 2001 when the Prime Minister of the Caribbean nation of St. Kitts and Nevis said his government was considering a proposal to provide a live fire area for the Navy. But this possibility, reportedly suggested by Members of Congress during a meeting with the Prime Minister, faded as quickly as it appeared.
Perhaps forgetting candidate Bush's stand, many in the Navy were disappointed when, in March 2001, the new administration placed restrictions on Vieques training for the USS Enterprise as it prepared for another deployment. It seemed that the pro-defense rhetoric of the campaign season and the early days of the administration was little more than words.
Lost in the opposition to leaving Vieques is the question of its uniqueness as a training facility for future conflicts. Naval gunfire, for example, is traditionally used to support amphibious operations by Marines. But with the V-22 Osprey tiltrotor aircraft, the Marine Corps plans to skip over beaches and shorelines to go as deep as 250 miles inland. No naval gun has the ability to reach that far.
In terms of bombing, the greater emphasis on long-range, stand-off precision munitions suggests that traditional"bombing runs" and other air-to-ground tactics will change. In fact, distances between firing and impact points will increase to such an extent that training areas will have to encompass more open sea area and have the "target" far removed from inhabited areas to preclude unintended consequences should a round malfunction.
One other aspect comes to mind. Senators John McCain (R-AZ) and Carl Levin (D-MI) are sponsoring a bill calling for two more rounds of military base closures, one in 2003 and the other in 2005. The Navy, if not the Pentagon's civilian hierarchy, may have calculated that, in giving up Vieques in May 2003, it will be under less pressure to close other bases, at least in the first round. Of course, the McCain-Levin measure is still only a proposal, but the administration seems to be cognizant of the excess infrastructure afflicting the military. Politics and the Navy's apparent inability to make a convincing case that Vieques is indispensable undermined resistance to change.
Global Report on Child Soldiers Released
Rachel Stohl, Senior Analyst, rstohl@cdi.org
The use of child soldiers remains a worldwide phenomenon, according to a new report by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. The "Global Report on Child Soldiers 2001" surveys military recruitment by government armed forces, paramilitaries, and non-state armed groups in 180 countries.
The Global Report estimates more than 500,000 children are recruited by government forces and armed groups in more than 87 countries, and at least 300,000 children are actively fighting in 41 countries. Children are fighting in ongoing conflicts in Colombia, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Macedonia, and Chechnya. The report found evidence of children as young as seven participating in some aspect of a conflict (as cooks, porters, messengers, or spies). Once children are strong enough to carry and handle weapons (usually around age 10), these children may also take on responsibilities of front line soldiers.
There is some good news for children living in conflict zones. Overall, the Coalition found that the use of child soldiers in Latin America, the Balkans, and the Middle East has diminished, as conflicts in those regions have ended. Unfortunately, however, children in Africa, parts of Asia, and the Pacific are at higher risk for being used as a soldier than they were a few years ago.
The Global Report highlights one of the biggest achievements for the protection of children from service as combatants -- the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict. The Protocol was opened for signature in May, 2000. Eighty countries have signed the Protocol, which sets 18 as the minimum age for direct participation in hostilities, for compulsory recruitment, and for any recruitment or use by non-governmental armed groups. The Protocol, which goes into effect after ratification by ten countries has, to date, been ratified only by five countries (Canada, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Andorra, and the Democratic Republic of Congo). However, experts believe the Protocol will enter into force by the end of the year. There is a major push by governments and non-governmental organizations to attain the ten ratifications before the UN Special Session on Children in September, 2001.
(President Clinton signed the Optional Protocol on July 5, 2000. The Treaty was then sent to the Senate for ratification, where it has languished. Analysts believe that under the new Chairmanship of Senator Joseph Biden (D-DE) of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the Treaty will be brought forward for a Senate vote in the near term.)
The report also notes that the phenomenon of child soldiers existsbeyond the developing world, "...[T]he UK and the USA are in the company of Myanmar, Sudan, and Afghanistan in deploying under-18s into combat," according to Rory Mungoven, international coordinator of the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. While several countries have adopted new legislation prohibiting under-18s from serving in combat, several countries, including the United States, continue to accept, recruit, and use under-18s in their armed forces. More than half of the member states of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for example, accept under-18s in their armed forces.
The United States accepts male and female recruits starting at age 17 (under 18s require parental consent). While 23 percent of new recruits are under 18 when they sign their enlistment contracts, by the time these soldiers have entered the armed forces (the majority through the Delayed Entry Program) and finished basic training, the majority have turned 18. Approximately one-quarter of one percent of U.S. forces today are 17. In September 2000 there were 3,289 17 year-olds on active duty in the U.S. forces (1,343- Army, 972 - Navy, 379 - Marine Corps, 594 - Air Force) out of a total active duty force of 1,384,4000. Even thought the number of U.S. forces under 18 is a very small percentage, these soldiers are not immune from front-line combat service. Seventeen year-old American soldiers served in U.S. operations in the Gulf War, Somalia, and Bosnia.
Although the issue of child soldiers has received increased attention in the past few years, much work remains to be done to eliminate the practice entirely. The upcoming UN Special Session on Children (September 19-21, 2001) marks an important opportunity for governments to develop meaningful international standards and norms to protect the world's children. Governments should ratify the Optional Protocol as soon as possible to demonstrate their commitment to ending this horrific phenomenon.
For more information on the Coalition's Global Report, Click Here.
Momentum Building for Second Round of NATO Expansion
Tomas Valasek, Senior Analyst, tvalasek@cdi.org
In a debate often overshadowed by that on missile defense, NATO allies are beginning to stake out their positions on the second round of NATO enlargement. Candidates, and possibly new members, are expected to be announced at the alliance's summit in Prague in 2002. No country has made a declaration in favor of enlarging NATO in 2002, in keeping with NATO's modus operandi that requires a consensus of all 19 allies. But in the recent flurry of meetings, which included gatherings of foreign and defense ministers, as well as the heads of state, governments gave some of the strongest indications to date of their determination to invite new members in 2002.
U.S. President George W. Bush, in Spain on the first leg of his European tour, said that NATO expansion is "not a question of whether, it's a question of when...We firmly believe NATO should expand." While certainly encouraging for the applicant countries, the statement does not answer the key question - will actual invitations be issued in Prague? A number of experts close to the U.S. administration advocated a gradual approach, whereby NATO would commit only to expanding in the future while delaying actual accession until the applicant countries improve the state of their militaries.
But recent statements by NATO Secretary-General Lord Robertson strongly indicated that at least some applicants will walk away from Prague with invitations in hand. In remarks to the press following a meeting of NATO leaders on June 13, Robertson said: "NATO hopes and expects, based on current and anticipated progress by aspiring members, to launch the next round of enlargement at the Prague summit in 2002." An unnamed U.S. administration official offered another insight into NATO's closed-door deliberations on enlargement. "There were a number of allies who expressed strong, even emotional support for continued NATO enlargement," he said, adding that "no allies spoke against it." Czech President Vaclav Havel also told Czech Radio June 14 that "there seems to be a consensus [among NATO members] that Slovakia and Slovenia should be offered membership of NATO."
In another subplot to the NATO enlargement drama, the prospects of the three Baltic states - Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia - joining the alliance seem to have improved. Their candidacy, strongly opposed by Russia, has been viewed with skepticism among European allies, wary of further alienating their eastern neighbor. But Havel, a fervent supporter of enlargement, told Czech Radio that "the allies are becoming increasingly convinced that the three Baltic countries should also be invited to join." The final communiqué produced by NATO foreign ministers on May 29 seemed to support Havel's view. In an oblique reference to the Baltic states' proximity to Russia - and the worries in some NATO countries that their location makes the Baltic states indefensible - the final communiqué stated that "no European democratic country...will be excluded from consideration regardless of its geographic location." The language also mirrors the U.S. position, expressed in numerous statements by President Bush.
NATO officials effectively have put the burden of completing the accession process on the applicant countries themselves. Virtually all recent statements in support of enlargement have been emphatically linked to the candidate countries' meeting accession requirements. President Bush's statement at a June 13 news conference is symptomatic of the tactic apparently adopted by allied officials. "We will be able to launch the next round of enlargement when we meet in Prague," Bush said, "if [the candidate countries] continue to make the progress they are making." The position reflects concerns among allies, particularly the United States, about the growing technological gap among today's allies. Already, U.S. forces had difficulties operating jointly in Kosovo with European forces, using older generation weaponry. Military preparedness thus looms as the last remaining obstacle separating NATO hopefuls from alliance membership. President Bush is expected to shed more light on NATO's deliberation when he visits Poland, a NATO member since 1999, on June 15.
Calls for Macedonia Intervention -- Ethnic Albanian militants's advances in Macedonia have spawned calls for a NATO intervention in the Balkan country. This week the rebels seized a suburb of the nation's capital, Skopje, which brought their weapons in range of the country's largest airport, which is used, in part to resupply NATO forces in the region, and other vital installations. Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Joe Biden (D-DE) and the UK conservative newspaper, The Daily Telegraph, were among those calling for the United States and alliance to put step up its assistance to Macedonia. "Only the U.S. has the necessary military and political credibility to successfully manage and resolve crises in the Balkans," said Sen. Biden. Allied troops are already deployed in Macedonia, which serves as a transition point for troops deployed in peacekeeping operations in neighboring Kosovo.
B-2s Vulnerable to Cell Phones? -- The Daily Telegraph in London is reporting that a British company, Roke Manor Research, has devised a way to utilize existing mobile cell phone telephone masts to track B-2 "stealth" bombers. Cell phone calls bouncing from base station to base station create a radiation screen. When an aircraft flies through the screen it disrupts the pattern of the signals. Using special receivers, the Roke Manor system can detect distortions in the system. With the aid of GPS and a computer connected to the receiver network, operators on the ground can calculate the position of aircraft with an accuracy of 10 meters. A spokesman for Roke Manor said although the exact range of the system is classified, it would be at least the maximum distance a cell phone will work from a base station -- about 15 miles.
Pentagon Unable to Trace Spare Parts Funding -- An audit by the General Accounting Office (GAO) reveals that the current Defense Department accounting system doesn't specifically track spending on spare parts. The report focused on $1.1 billion appropriated for spares as part of the Fiscal Year 1999 Emergency Supplemental. While the funds were specifically appropriated in response to concerns that lack of spare parts were effecting military readiness, the GAO found that once the funds were deposited in the services' operational accounts, it was impossible to determine if they were actually spend on spare parts. The Pentagon is plans to start tracking funding for spares as part of the Fiscal Year 2002 budget. For additional information, see "Defense Inventory: Information on the Use of Spare Parts Funding Is Lacking," GAO-01-472, June 11, 2001.
German Nuclear Industry to Close -- A formal agreement heralding the complete closure of 19 German nuclear power plants was signed this week by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and the country's four main power companies -- EON AG, RWE AG, Energie Baden-Wuerttemberg and HEW AG. The agreement makes Germany the largest industrial nation to willingly forgo nuclear power technology. Under the accord no further approvals will be given for nuclear power plants in Germany and the government has pledged to actively support new "greener" fuel forms to replace the lost energy.
MoD Planned Deception About Nuclear Forces -- According to papers released this week by the British government this week, it was the intent of the Defense Ministry to deceive both the Soviet Union and the British people about the strength of the nation's military. Concerns about Britain's "military weakness" during the nuclear arms build up of the 1950's led defense officials to draw up deception plans which would provide false information about such things as Britain's air defenses and the strength of its nuclear arsenal. One unnamed government official wrote in 1950 that, "It is an increasingly held view that any future world war, whether won or lsot by the western democracies, will in fact destroy our civilisation as we know and value it today."
Quotation of the Week -- "Despite all the brave talk of fiscal restraint, the Appropriations committees will quietly be asked to spend more money than the budget allows....We know we have billions of dollars in both unmet and unanticipated needs that we will have a responsibility to fund. We know this. The president knows this...The American people should know this. The American people are entitled to truth in budgeting," Senator Robert Byrd (D-WV), Chairman of the Appropriations Committee, Washington Post op-ed, June 14, 2001.
This Week on America's Defense Monitor: "Human Rights: Universal and Supreme?"
The war over Kosovo marked the first time that a group of nations ignored the integrity of a sovereign nation's borders to redress perceived human rights violations. In the aftermath, scores of unsettling human issues remain. When the rights of nations clash with the rights of individuals, who decides when and where to act: the United States, or the United Nations? Is Kosovo the first of a new kind of military operation or an isolated case? And how does the world beyond the NATO countries view the attack on Yugoslavia?
Airs in Washington, DC on Sunday, June 17 at 10:30 a.m, on Channel 32.
Airs in NYC on Saturday, June 23 at 7:00 a.m. on Channel 13.
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