Arms Trade    Defense Export Reform    Landmines    Small Arms    Child Soldiers

The Clinton years marked the unmitigated dominance of the United States in the arms export market. The U.S. is the world's number one arms exporter in arms deals to both the developed and developing world. The dollar value of U.S. arms sales has been in the billions of dollars since the end of the Gulf War, and the percentage of the U.S. share of the total arms market is rising as well. For the foreseeable future, the United States will remain unchallenged in its control of the arms market. Not only has the Clinton administration approved an enormous number of arms licenses, it has supported major reforms making it even easier for the both the government and private industry to export U.S. weapons. In 1995 the Clinton Administration added domestic economic considerations to the list of criteria for approving weapons exports. At the same time, the U.S. administration has opposed efforts to create a "Code of Conduct" governing countries eligible to receive U.S. weapons based on criteria such as human rights and democracy. Only a congressional mandate pushed the administration to begin negotiating a multilateral agreement on norms and principles for international arms transfers.
 
On Defense Export Reform

Although the U.S. share of the arms market remains unchallenged, the Clinton administration has been eager to enhance the ability of the United States to do business abroad. In May 2000, President Clinton approved seventeen proposals concerning U.S. arms export policy as part of the Defense Trade Security Initiative (DTSI), the first significant change in U.S. arms export policy since the end of the Cold War. DTSI, which applies to the United States' closest allies -- NATO countries, Australia, and Japan -- will streamline the export licensing process and reduce the time necessary for industry to obtain permission to export U.S. weaponry abroad. Licenses for entire weapons systems will be granted under the new system, removing the need to reapply for licenses for extra components. Licenses will be valid for eight years instead of the current four years. Licenses for NATO efforts including those under the Defense Capabilities Initiative (DCI) will be given expedited reviews as well. The proposals are "intended to expedite the export licensing process to improve industrial competitiveness."
 
On Landmines

Early in Clinton's first term, the administration in general, and even the President in particular, were leaders in the fight against anti-personnel landmines. But after several high-profile anti-landmines speeches and statements, the Clinton administration did an abrupt about-face, bowing to pressure from military commanders and withdrawing its support for a global ban on anti-personnel landmines. Today, not only does the United States remain outside the community of nations dedicated to the prohibition of the use of landmines, the United States continues to research and develop weapon systems that would be banned under the Ottawa Landmines Treaty. The U.S. commitment of joining the Ottawa Treaty in 2006 seems increasingly more unlikely, as the United States remains dedicated to using landmines in Korea and in any other situation where they are seen as militarily "necessary."
 
On Small Arms

The United States has become actively engaged in the small arms issue even though this issue has been on the international agenda for only the past five years. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright made several important policy speeches on small arms and proposed limiting the trade of small arms to regions of conflict in Africa. However, none of these policies have been incorporated into law or statute. The administration has focused on ways to reduce the illicit trade in small arms, such as regulating brokering activities. However, when negotiating international agreements on small arms controls, the U.S. government has been heavily influenced by the National Rifle Association, making the State Department unwilling to link civilian possession of small arms with international efforts to control the proliferation of small arms.
 
On Child Soldiers

For six years, the Clinton administration opposed an international standard on the use of children in combat that would raise the age for participation, conscription, and recruitment in armed conflict from 15 to 18. The U.S. position came out of the U.S. desire to protect its use and recruitment of 17 year olds in the U.S. armed forces. As the negotiations on the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on Children and Armed Conflict reached a critical stage, the United States agreed to support such a treaty if recruitment ages were raised to 16 or higher. The U.S. signed the resulting treaty in July 2000, and it now awaits Senate ratification. Although the U.S. is not bound by law to comply with the Treaty provisions until ratification is complete, the Clinton administration has not upheld their commitment to the spirit of the Treaty and has not put any measures in place to prevent under 18s from being sent into combat.

Reflecting upon the last eight years, the missed opportunities to implement lasting changes to U.S. conventional arms trade issues are clear. The end of the Cold War (and Gulf War as well) left the United States the world's only hegemon. As such, many nations looked to the United States for leadership on solutions to the global challenges facing the world today, including intra-state conflict, the deprivation of human rights, economic inequality, etc. By promoting solutions that benefitted the military-industrial complex, the United States failed to act in defense of those too small and weak to defend themselves. Let us hope that the next administration will act before it's too late.

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E-MAIL CDI SENIOR ANALYST RACHEL STOHL