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The events of Sept. 11 affected a paradigm shift on America's global security strategy. One result of this is Indonesia's gaining particular salience within the revised priorities of U.S. national security, with Secretary of State Colin Powell recently announcing that America will give approximately $50 million to help the South East Asian country fight terrorism. This announcement, along with Powell's expressed support for restoring military ties between Jakarta and Washington, has proved controversial due to allegations of human rights abuses by the Indonesian armed forces.
The largest majority-Muslim state, Indonesia is also the world's fourth most populous country, underpinning the importance Washington attaches to enlisting it as a partner in the war against terrorism. Thus far, Indonesia's contribution to this war has been promising, if limited, with the leader of the radical Islamic group Laskar Jihad arrested in May, and at least two al Qaeda suspects reportedly handed over to American authorities.
Almost all the aid announced by Powell is to be given to Indonesia's police force, and consists of $31 million for police training and $16 million for building a counterterrorism unit. Some $4 million is also being given for army counterterrorism training. The decision to supply such aid follows last month's passing, by the U.S. Senate's appropriations committee, of an amendment to lift restrictions on Indonesian participation in the International Military Education and Training (IMET) program. (A ban remains, however, on direct military assistance and weapons sales to Indonesia, and it still has wide Congressional support.) The U.S. first began training Indonesia's military under this program in 1952, but was suspended in 1999 amid allegations of human rights abuses by the Indonesians, especially in East Timor. Such concern over the human rights record of the Indonesian military has led some to question the decision to renew ties between them and their American counterparts.
Those opposed to such a renewal include U.S. Senator Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., who claims the Indonesian army "is involved in drug smuggling, prostitution, human trafficking, illegal logging and many other illicit enterprises." Leahy had sponsored the suspension of Indonesian from IMET until those guilty of human rights abuses in East Timor were prosecuted, and claims not enough has been done within Indonesia's military to warrant the program's resumption. Human rights groups agree, with Kontras, the most prominent such organization in Indonesia, claiming the country's military "badly needs this endorsement from the United States in order to further legitimize its meddling in politics [and] human rights violations." Meanwhile the New York-based Human Rights Watch has appealed for America to make it clear that military aid for Indonesia will be linked to an improving human rights record on the part of the latter's military.
By contrast, there is an opposing viewpoint that agrees with Secretary Powell that closer links with the Indonesian military are conducive to improving the conduct of Indonesia's armed forces with regards to human rights. Indeed, a recent study by the RAND Corporation goes even further, claiming that enhanced relations between the U.S. and Indonesian militaries is key in promoting Indonesia's emergence as a balanced democracy capable of assisting in the maintenance of stability and security within the Asia-Pacific region. The suspension of Indonesia from the IMET program means many of the country's senior army officers have no experience with U.S. military values, slowing the reform which had gathered pace in the Indonesian army in recent years, powered by U.S.-trained officers.
Angel M. Rabasa, a RAND Indonesia specialist, wrote in the International Herald Tribune on August 2, 2002, that the Indonesian military is one of the few institutions to be drawn from across the country's diverse society. As such any dissemination of American values and practices through military ties would be broadcast throughout Indonesian society. Rabasa admits that a short period of training in America is unlikely to change ingrained habits and values overnight. However, he argues that the value of the personal relationships and trust built by such interactions is "real," citing U.S. military influence with their counterparts in Thailand and the Philippines during political crises in each of these countries.
The strategy of attempting to imbue respect for human rights within a country's armed forces by establishing closer relations with those forces is a risky one. However, so is the continued isolation of that country's military. Being well-trained, educated and disciplined is much more of a pre-requisite for a modern army's respect of human rights that for its violation of them. Closer relations between the U.S. and Indonesian militaries could promote human rights in Indonesia. However, any tightening of ties between the two countries must be carefully monitored. What may have began as a marriage of convenience can, properly managed, work as a catalyst for change within the Indonesian military, curbing their demonstrated proclivity for human rights abuse, while empowering them to act as a stabilizing agent within Indonesia and regionally.
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