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Legal Interpretations?
Recent controversy over the physical and legal treatment of al Qaeda and Taliban detainees at Guantanamo Bay highlights the new challenges unconventional U.S. "war" on terrorism has brought to the interpretation of international law and laws of warfare. Washington has thus far refused to grant the detainees official prisoner-of-war (POW) status despite international pressure. The underlying question: how should the United States treat the prisoners, and what are the motives underlying its decisions?
Concerned primarily with fair treatment of the detainees, several European countries, as well as organizations such as Amnesty International and International Committee of the Red Cross, are urging Washington to classify them as POWs who are guaranteed certain rights and protections under a series of agreements known as the Geneva Conventions. 1 A U.S. decision to grant them POW status would, therefore, work to appease some of America's major allies, ensure justice in a procedure backed by international law, and boost U.S. credibility amidst mounting talk of American unilateralism. The Pentagon, however, insists on calling the prisoners "unlawful combatants" or "battlefield detainees." Examining its reasons for doing so reveals that the disagreement goes deeper than mere semantics. It unveils a host of unprecedented legal difficulties that deters Washington from officially labeling the captives as POWs. First, in case of al Qaeda, its fighters are not members of a formal Afghan army, but of a stateless terrorist organization with a global network. According to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, a combatant must be part of an identifiable army or militia, wear a "distinctive sign" such as uniforms and insignias, carry arms, and subscribe to the international laws of warfare - criteria al Qaeda members largely fail to meet. Indeed, scholars claim that no member of a terrorist organization has ever been considered a combatant under international law. Further complicating the case is al Qaeda's close association with the Taliban, which did maintain a conventional army and thus may have greater reasons to be conferred POW status. 2 Clearly, a thorough investigation and analysis of relevant laws are needed before the status of the detainees at Guantanamo Bay can be established. And it is neither the task of the Department of Defense nor of any international organization to determine the legal status of the prisoners; according to the most prevalent interpretations of the Geneva Conventions, they have the right to be heard by an independent judge to have their POW status granted or denied. Such hearings, which would have to begin promptly to settle intensifying disputes, would assure U.S. allies and human rights groups that fairness ruled over the decision and that the United States heeded to international law in determining the fate of the prisoners.
The Geneva Conventions mandate, in cases where the status of the detainees are in dispute, that they be given the same treatment as POWs until they have a hearing. In response, the United States has declared that in every way it is following the Geneva Conventions by treating them as POWs - without officially labeling them as such. Why, then, the reluctance on the part of the Pentagon to call them POWs? Part of the answer derives from a matter of practicality, though a crucial one, in the U.S. anti-terrorism campaign. Under the Geneva Conventions, a POW does not have to provide any information beyond his or her name, rank, date of birth and military or personal serial number. Such a protection seriously impedes Washington's pressing need to extract as much information as possible regarding the Taliban and the al Qaeda network - including the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden. But U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's staunch stance on the status of the detainees is also a reflection of the Bush administration's overt preference for trying terrorists in special military tribunals rather than in criminal courts. If a detainee is deemed a prisoner of war, the Geneva Conventions stipulate that defendant must have the same rights of appeal or petition under the same civilian or military courts as the armed forces of the detaining country - meaning they cannot be tried in a military tribunal. If the detainee is denied POW status, however, he or she may now be tried in a military tribunal, as a result of an emergency executive order signed by President George W. Bush last November. 3 The executive order stated that terrorists ought, "when tried, to be tried for violations of the laws of war and other applicable laws" - arguing that they do not deserve POW status, and thus may be tried in military tribunals, because they fail to meet a criterion of Article 4.6 of the Geneva Conventions. Denial of POW status, therefore, is the first necessary step toward effectuating of the executive order while still adhering to the Geneva Conventions. Compared to U.S. federal or military courts, military tribunals would allow the White House and the Pentagon significant leeway in handling terrorist suspects. Under Bush's order, the exact details of which have yet to be published, the Department of Defense would apparently have the power to write the rules for the tribunal, as well as to choose members of the panel. Conviction of suspects is also more likely in a military tribunal - it does not have a standard of guilt and can convict with a two-thirds vote, in contrast to a regular trial that requires burden of proof beyond a reasonable doubt and unanimous jury verdict. There is no provision for appeals to U.S. civil courts or international tribunals, while cases brought to military or civilian courts can end in the Supreme Court. Thus, cases brought to a military tribunal will probably undergo a speedier process. As an alternative to military tribunals, Rumsfeld may opt for sending the prisoners back to their countries of origin to be tried - again an option the POW status disallows. Moreover, even for those detainees that are not eventually granted POW status, another legal hurdle awaits before they can be sent back: the Geneva Conventions require that prisoners not be deported to countries where they could be physically abused. Current prisoners reportedly include those from Britain, China, Egypt, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Australia, and humane treatment upon return to some of those countries is difficult to guarantee. This is true even for those who do become official POWs, since they must be returned to their countries at the end of the war. And this is separate from yet another thorny question: when is the end of the war on terrorism, at which point the POWs must be deported?
These intricate legal particularities make the determination of the status, and the future, of the detainees at Guantanamo Bay extremely complex. Eventually, when the Geneva Conventions direct the course of the issue - when appropriate courts and judges, and not the Pentagon nor human rights organizations - determine the status of the detainees, many will likely be granted POW status, and others will legitimately be denied that status. Whatever the outcome, the successful denouement is one in which fairness in the form of the Geneva Conventions is established, moral high ground maintained, and human rights respected, and one that sets a safe and solid precedence for terrorism cases in the future.
Article 4 A. Prisoners of war, in the sense of the present Convention, are persons belonging to one of the following categories, who have fallen into the power of the enemy:
B. The following shall likewise be treated as prisoners of war under the present Convention:
C. This Article shall in no way affect the status of medical personnel and chaplains as provided for in Article 33 of the present Convention. Article 5 Should any doubt arise as to whether persons, having committed a belligerent act and having fallen into the hands of the enemy, belong to any of the categories enumerated in Article 4, such persons shall enjoy the protection of the present Convention until such time as their status has been determined by a competent tribunal. Article 13 Prisoners of war must at all times be humanely treated. Any unlawful act or omission by the Detaining Power causing death or seriously endangering the health of a prisoner of war in its custody is prohibited, and will be regarded as a serious breach of the present Convention. In particular, no prisoner of war may be subjected to physical mutilation or to medical or scientific experiments of any kind which are not justified by the medical, dental or hospital treatment of the prisoner concerned and carried out in his interest. Likewise, prisoners of war must at all times be protected, particularly against acts of violence or intimidation and against insults and public curiosity. Measures of reprisal against prisoners of war are prohibited. Article 17 Every prisoner of war, when questioned on the subject, is bound to give only his surname, first names and rank, date of birth, and army, regimental, personal or serial number, or failing this, equivalent information. If he willfully infringes this rule, he may render himself liable to a restriction of the privileges accorded to his rank or status. Article 82 A prisoner of war shall be subject to the laws, regulations and orders in force in the armed forces of the Detaining Power; the Detaining Power shall be justified in taking judicial or disciplinary measures in respect of any offence committed by a prisoner of war against such laws, regulations or orders. However, no proceedings or punishments contrary to the provisions of this Chapter shall be allowed. Article 84 A prisoner of war shall be tried only by a military court, unless the existing laws of the Detaining Power expressly permit the civil courts to try a member of the armed forces of the Detaining Power in respect of the particular offence alleged to have been committed by the prisoner of war. In no circumstances whatever shall a prisoner of war be tried by a court of any kind which does not offer the essential guarantees of independence and impartiality as generally recognized, and, in particular, the procedure of which does not afford the accused the rights and means of defense provided for in Article 105. Article 105 The prisoner of war shall be entitled to assistance by one of his prisoner comrades, to defense by a qualified advocate or counsel of his own choice, to the calling of witnesses and, if he deems necessary, to the services of a competent interpreter. He shall be advised of these rights by the Detaining Power in due time before the trial. Failing a choice by the prisoner of war, the Protecting Power shall find him an advocate or counsel, and shall have at least one week at its disposal for the purpose. The Detaining Power shall deliver to the said Power, on request, a list of persons qualified to present the defense. Failing a choice of an advocate or counsel by the prisoner of war or the Protecting Power, the Detaining Power shall appoint a competent advocate or counsel to conduct the defense. Article 118 Prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated without delay after the cessation of active hostilities.
1 See the full text of the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/91.htm 2 The Geneva Conventions allow the detaining country to grant POW status even to those from a country whose government is not diplomatically recognized, as in the case of the Taliban. See http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/11/20011113-27.html
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