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On Nov. 16, the German Bundestag gave final approval for German military participation in Operation Enduring Freedom. Radical reassessment of Germany's role in international security policy — first manifested in Kosovo as the Bundeswehr returned to combat for the first time since World War II — has increased German sense of international responsibility and also been the catalyst for military overhaul from the ground up.
The lessons learned from Germany's involvement in Operation Allied Force prompted an initiative to radically restructure the three-service Bundeswehr by increasing readiness, mission-relevance of deployable forces, streamlining command structure, modernizing materiel and equipment, introducing modern management procedures, and increasing interoperability. As Walter Koblow, German parliamentary secretary for defense, said, "In the course of present reforms, the German armed forces will obtain a new capability profile, allowing them to be employed throughout the entire spectrum of missions — from collective defense in the traditional sense to the most likely case of non-Article 5 operations, including asymmetric threats." In light of the events of Sept. 11, it has become more urgent than ever to achieve these goals, he continued.
German involvement in Operation Enduring Freedom demonstrates that the spectrum of future military engagement has extended beyond the European theater and, even at this early stage, provides a useful tool for evaluation. How relevant are the priorities of German military transformation — first outlined in 1999 — in the new post-9/11 security environment? Are the Germans focusing on what will really be necessary to fight future conflicts and subdue emerging threats?
On the Right Track? Lessons from Operation Enduring Freedom
Consistent with projections, a more robust, flexible Bundeswehr is well-suited for future challenges that might resemble the current tactical situation in Central Asia. A new Special Operations Division, comprised of two airborne brigades and the increasingly strong Special Forces Command (Kommando Spezialstreitkraefte, or KSK), along with the Airmobile Division, will provide mobile strength, improve troop protection, and increase the number of highly skilled personnel for hazardous, non-traditional missions. Continued procurement of Dingo armored personnel carriers (APCs), used extensively in peacekeeping operations in the Balkans, and Fuchs 6X6 armored vehicles is also pragmatic ? not only to start replacing aging equipment like the Marder armored vehicle, but especially because of the Fuchs' unique chemical, biological, and nuclear (CBR) detection capabilities. Currently deployed in Central Asia, the Fuchs can detect even trace amounts of CBR agents.
Suppression of air defenses was an important step to degrading Taliban resistance in Afghanistan. The Bundeswehr has, therefore, made an important decision to allocate 125 Tornados (soon to be replaced by Eurofighters) primarily for this mission. Although it is a reduction of 142 aircraft, new air-to-air and air-to-surface munitions (Meteor, IRIS-T, GBU-24) will increase efficacy. Additionally, one Tornado wing, enhanced with capabilities for night and all-weather operations, will specialize in tactical reconnaissance. The utility of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs) was highlighted by Predator and Global Hawk missions in Afghanistan. Germany might also look to further develop its capability with the procurement of the Kleinfluggeraet drone for the Army, as well as create a common European technology pool for a Medium Altitude Long Endurance (MALE) UAV. Farther down the road, a highly advanced, long-range UAV such as Global Hawk would allow Germany — and Europe — to make a significant reconnaissance contribution. The U.S. drive to improve in these areas backs up decisions to move ahead with the strategic reconnaissance and surveillance SAR-Lupe (Synthetic Aperture Radar) satellite and procurement of Fennek reconnaissance vehicles.
Helicopter use in Operation Enduring Freedom — troop transport, medical evacuation, and air support — drive home the utility of the Tiger battle support helicopter as well as CSAR components for the NH-90. Combat search and rescue, a crucial mission component, will be advanced by fitting 24 NH-90 helicopters with full night capability, in-flight refueling, air-to-air and air-to-ground weapons, and an electronic warfare suite. Using precision targeting to reduce civilian and opposition casualties in Afghanistan will likely lend credence to projects like the five-nation SOSTAR (Stand-Off Surveillance Target Acquisition Radar).
Strategic Changes
Changes in procurement that are part of a larger strategic reevaluation post-9/11, even though most major acquisitions will likely proceed as planned.
The Luftwaffe has shifted its primary focus from a primary air-to-air capability to a predominantly air-to-surface strength. Instead of assigning 140 of 180 Eurofighters to four defense wings, there will now be three defense wings of 100 aircraft and two strike wings of 80 planes. Before operations in Afghanistan highlighted a type of potential enemy's vulnerability to air power, only 40 of the new fighters were going to be allocated for air-to-ground missions; now, later versions of the Eurofighter will have a multirole capability.
The expanded theater might be most favorable to naval forces. Forty percent of the fleet and naval air assets are ready for operations at short notice, and the Navy's primary concentration on cooperation and confidence-building in the Mediterranean could prove invaluable if the fight against terrorism spreads to other states in the Middle East or Africa. Continued German naval strength and presence in support of missions in the Balkans could also keep the U.S. Navy free for potential missions elsewhere. Improved flexibility to carry surface warfare to littoral areas is also consistent with American assessments of future threats, as is the German emphasis on naval field hospitals, Marineeinsatzrettungszentrum (MERZ). MERZ have received the first of a planned 15 K130 Corvettes, a new 1,600-ton class that will replace Germany's current fast patrol boats. The Corvettes are able to operate at sea for longer periods and at greater distances than their predecessors, extending the range of naval operations and providing a useful anti-surface capability in coastal waters. A new class of supply ships, the Einsatzgruppenversorger, is intended to supply out-of-area operations for up to 45 days. Development of these capabilities will strengthen Germany's "global reach" and significantly strengthen its contribution to further missions.
Although personnel reductions will put the Bundeswehr at a peacetime strength of 285,000 by 2004, the number of personnel capable of quick reaction will increase to about 150,000. Germany will be able to contribute up to 50,000 personnel to one major operation for up to one year, or up to 10,000 troops to each of two medium-sized operations for several years. Either option allows for concurrent participation in a number of minor parallel operations. This is a prescient, realistic model — currently, Germany is involved in two medium-scale operations in the Balkans, is leading Task Force Fox in Macedonia, and has now embarked on its one-year commitment in Central Asia.
The "Einsatz" and Its Broader Context
Germany is supporting Operation Enduring Freedom with 3,900 troops. 1,800
sailors, including those on a Bremen-class frigate and those patrolling the
Arabian Sea for fleeing militants, will assist with sea control missions; a
contingent of 800 soldiers is tasked with operation and support of the Fuchs
6X6 armored vehicles. An Airbus A310 MedEvac unit, operated by 250 soldiers,
will provide medical airlift capability. Besides providing 500 soldiers to help
airlift transport military personnel and equipment, 100 Special Forces personnel,
highly skilled at hostage rescue, evacuation, and force protection, are currently
operating from Oman.
The dispatch of forces for foreign operations is paralleled by questions about the domestic role of military and police troops. German military units are, for the first time, guarding American installations within Germany, like the Grafenwoehr training range, allowing the United States to focus on its operations in Afghanistan. However, the constitution expressly prohibits German armed forces from activities other than national defense. Although more conservative political parties have proposed changes to this law, they are not likely to receive support. Funding for and coordinating domestic anti-terrorism activities is entirely separate from the Bundeswehr.
Despite serious budget shortfalls, the Bundeswehr has an additional 1.5 billion marks ($676 million) at its disposal exclusively for anti-terror programs. Most of these funds will probably be used to finance counter-terrorism missions abroad. Three hundred million marks ($135 million) is expected to be used as an operational reserve, while the rest likely will be allocated for procurement or to close capability gaps in critical areas like mobility, force protection, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR). Ad-hoc force protection measures may also be on the radar screen, as well as a second batch of Dingo APCs. Another possible use for these funds would be to bail out the landmark European collaborative airlift program, the A400M transport plane. Germany failed to meet the Nov. 16 deadline set by European governments to sign up for the program, and is trying to unilaterally renegotiate the price of each unit. A severe lack of airlift capability already hinders swift response.
Conclusions
All in all, German military reform does not need to be significantly reevaluated, even though the scope of potential operations has widened. If reform measures are continued and accelerated, especially those that improve capability, the reform alone will help ready the Bundeswehr for the fight against terrorism.
However, in many ways, Germany remains committed outside its means — broadly, to NATO, the European Union, and its domestic imperatives; specifically, to Task Force Fox in Macedonia, KFOR and SFOR in Kosovo and Bosnia, and now in Central Asia. But this is necessary for political, diplomatic, and strategic reasons. Germany's support is needed in an operational as well as a diplomatic sense. It could reduce the commitment of U.S. forces to providing basic capabilities for Europe, allowing American troops to concentrate on suppressing foreign-based terrorist cells, and could help bridge a recurring transatlantic policy disconnect.
Soon after the Sept. 11 attacks, Bundeswehr Chief of Staff, Gen. Harald Kujat, emphasized Germany's strategic difficulties by saying that Germany was not in a position to meet international expectations, and has neither the personnel nor financial and materiel means to take part in further crisis reaction missions — underscoring the need for meaningful reform as soon as possible.
While the global fight against terrorism may now be perceived mainly as America's fight, its fluid, transnational nature means that flexible response is of primary importance. If Germany continues to close capability gaps, enable joint operations, develop a force capable of crisis reaction, and enhance sealift, airlift, and reconnaissance, it will be transforming into a force relevant not only to its new role in Operation Enduring Freedom, but also to its vital commitment to European security.
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