CDI Russia Weekly

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Edited by David Johnson
ISSUE #47May 7, 1999


The CDI Russia Weekly is an e-mail newsletter that carries news and analysis on all aspects of today's Russia, including political, economic, social, military, and foreign policy issues. With funding from the Carnegie Corporation of New York, CDI Russia Weekly is a project of the Washington-based Center for Defense Information (CDI), a nonprofit research and education organization.


Contents


  1. Moscow Times: Pavel Felgenhauer, DEFENSE DOSSIER: Small Nukes Tempt Russia.
  2. Itar-Tass: Russian General Warns Against NATO Graphite Bombs.
  3. NTV: Murmansk Thieves Stealing Valuable Metals.
  4. Nezavisimoye Voyennoye Obozreniye: Yevgeniy Dezhin, A Strategic Partnership Between Russia and China May Become a Counterbalance to Ties with NATO.
  5. Moscow Times: David McHugh, Primakov Called Not Irreplaceable.
  6. Russia Today: Rod Pounsett, Rugova Reappears.
  7. Vienna's Der Standard: Interview with Aleksei Arbatov on Russia and Yugoslavia.
  8. IntellectualCapital.com: David Isenberg, Farewell to Arms? Forget about It! (Re START II and Russian nuclear policy.)
  9. TIME Digital: The Russians Are Crashing! The Russians Are Crashing!
  10. MSNBC: Jonathan Broder, Israel, Russia in big weapons deal Nations to produce high-tech aircraft for sale to China.

#1
Moscow Times
May 6, 1999 
DEFENSE DOSSIER: Small Nukes Tempt Russia 
By Pavel Felgenhauer 
Last week President Boris Yeltsin chaired a secret meeting of his Security 
Council to discuss Russia's future nuclear plans. After the meeting Security 
Council secretary Vladimir Putin told reporters that Yeltsin signed three 
decrees covering "the development of the nuclear weapons complex and a 
concept for developing and using non-strategic nuclear weapons." 

The Soviet Union had tens of thousands of "non-strategic" or "tactical" 
nuclear weapons, including air bombs, sea, land and air based short-range 
rockets, heavy artillery shells, nuclear land mines and so on. Since the end 
of the Cold War most such warheads have been dismantled, but some are still 
in storage. 

The West knows that Moscow could reintroduce hundreds of additional tactical 
nukes into active service at short notice. The United States could easily do 
the same. But what would that change? Hitting NATO forces in the Balkans or 
anywhere else with a nuclear artillery shell would not be easy. 

All U.S. and Russian land-based mid- and shorter-ranged operational-tactical 
missiles that could have reached deep into Europe from Russian territory were 
destroyed in the late 1980s under a treaty signed in 1987. Reintroduction of 
some new missiles to replace the ones destroyed would take time and money 
that Russia does not have. A new missile with the range of 450 kilometers, 
sometimes referred to as the "Iskander," was fully tested several years ago. 
But there is no money in Russia's defense budget to mass-produce and deploy 
it. 

For many years the Russian Nuclear Power Ministry was developing a new 
generation of nuclear weapons small in size and in explosive yield. In 1996 
Viktor Mikhailov, the nuclear power minister, together with some colleagues, 
published an article in which he promoted the new weapons as a possible reply 
to the expansion of NATO. Today Mikhailov is no more the nuclear power 
minister. He resigned and now is the first deputy nuclear power minister in 
charge of Russia's military nuclear program. 

To deter NATO, wrote Mikhailov in 1996, "Russia could develop new-generation 
battlefield nuclear arms with relatively low capacity and reduced 
side-effects. It could manufacture 10,000 high-safety nuclear warheads with a 
yield (TNT equivalent) ranging from dozens to hundreds of tons, designed for 
theater missiles, front-line aviation and anti-aircraft complexes. 

"To implement this program, Russia would need 300 tons of weapon-grade 
uranium and 30 tons of weapon-grade plutonium," Mikhailov estimated. These 
materials are available - the reduction of nuclear weapons since the end of 
the Cold War has already produced more weapon-grade material than Russia can 
safely store. 

The main aim of Mikhailov's plan is not only the production of new 
battlefield weapons. He says, "Russia could change the perception of nuclear 
arms as weapons of mass destruction." 

Today nuclear weapons are considered so terrible that no one is ready to use 
them. Nuclear deterrence did not stop NATO attacking Yugoslavia, because no 
one in the West believes Russia would use nukes and destroy humanity because 
of a local war it does not like. Mikhailov wants to restore nukes as a weapon 
Russia can use in any armed conflict. 

All Russia's warheads, including strategic ones, would be modernized to 
produce low-yield nuclear explosions not exceeding the equivalent of several 
hundred tons of TNT. If, say, Russian oil tankers are attacked by NATO ships 
near Yugoslavia, one or several Russian intercontinental ballistic missiles 
could be fired against Western troops or bases in the region, their warheads 
programmed to produce low-yield nuclear explosions. 

Such a low-yield "pinpoint" attack would hardly trigger an immediate global 
nuclear war. Western governments would not even be sure at first whether it 
was a nuclear or a non-nuclear attack. 

The introduction of low-yield "non-strategic" nuclear weapons on existing 
platforms, including intercontinental ones, would make Russian nukes a usable 
asset in any local armed conflict worldwide and Russia could become a 
superpower again - cheaply. Of course, the same "non-strategic" 
intercontinental warheads could easily be reprogrammed to deliver a "normal" 
megaton blast if global war happened. 

In 1996 Mikhailov wrote that "technically, this is feasible, and the Nuclear 
Power Ministry is capable of solving the problem without additional nuclear 
tests and great expense." After the NATO attack on Yugoslavia, this plan 
seems to be ready for implementation.

Back to the top


#2
Russian General Warns Against NATO Graphite Bombs
Moscow, 5th May, ITAR-TASS correspondent Anatoliy 
Yurkin: The use by NATO planes of ammunition filled with graphite cores 
is causing long-term ecological harm to the countries of the Balkan 
region, Col-Gen Stanislav Petrov, chief of the Radiation, Chemical and 
Biological Protection Troops of the Russian Defence Ministry believes. 
He said this in an exclusive interview with the ITAR-TASS correspondent 
today, commenting on the strikes by the alliance's forces against 
Yugoslav civilian power facilities using new "untraditional weapons". He 
said that the electrical substations and transformer units that had been 
put out of action were disrupting the work of the country's vital 
infrastructure and having unpredictable consequences. 

Comments by the NATO leadership to the effect that the new weapons were 
helping to undermine the work of military communications, command posts 
and air defence systems were groundless, in the general's view. All 
military structures have autonomous sources of electricity and during 
combat activity equipment is supplied exclusively from standard 
[military] power units. So it is the civilian infrastructure that is 
being affected by the attacks (for example, systems for water 
purification, municipal waste processing and effluent filtration). In 
turn, this holds the danger of epidemics, which could flare up not only 
in Yugoslavia, but also in neighbouring countries. Given this situation, 
the kilometres of oil slicks on European rivers could seem just the start 
of a major European ecological catastrophe, said the general. 

In his view, the NATO aggression against Yugoslavia will reverberate 
for the countries of the Balkans for a long time with ecological 
catastrophes that will inevitably result in huge economic losses. "The 
bombing of oil storage facilities, oil refineries and chemical works has 
brought carcinogenic products of combustion to the territories of 
Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary and Italy. Along with dioxins, they have 
contaminated the soil and water sources for many decades to come. The 
agro-industrial sectors of these countries can now only dream of 
cultivating ecologically safe animal and plant produce, believes Gen 
Petrov.
 
Back to the top

#3
Murmansk Thieves Stealing Valuable Metals 

NTV
May 4, 1999
[translation for personal use only]
 
  [Presenter Marianna Maksimovskaya] The Murmansk 
authorities are worried about growing theft of valuable metals. They are 
being stolen from rail lines and even closed nuclear facilities. Igor 
Sorokin reports. 

  [Begin recording] [Omitted: correspondent's introduction] [Correspondent] 
Daily reports about the latest thefts really remind one of battlefield 
dispatches. 

  In the last two months alone the nuclear reactor control panel one of 
the Northern Fleet's submarines was disassembled; unidentified people 
tried to remove pressure meters from the Kola nuclear power plant's first 
power unit [Russian: energoblok], which had to undergo an emergency 
shutdown; and the last case - the Murmansk television and radio 
transmitter centre was left without telephone communications for a day. 
Somebody cut 200 metres of trunk cable in the cellar of a nearby 
building. [Omitted: captioned telecoms worker comments] 

  [Correspondent] Telecoms workers say that all they do at the moment is
repair 
damaged phone lines. [Omitted: unidentified second worker comments] 

  [Correspondent] The activities of lovers of easy money are hurting
everybody - the power and metals industries and even lift repairers. But the railways are 
suffering most. The most valuable thing that can be sold for scrap are 
cross pieces. They are being removed by the dozen, paralyzing many 
sections of rail line. Train traffic is being disrupted and passenger 
trains are arriving very late. But that is not the worst thing. 

  [Stanislav Meshalkin, chief engineer of October Railway Murmansk
Department, captioned] Carriages could come off the rails, and the consequences would 
be very serious. We can't put OMON [special-purpose police] or police 
detachments at every station. We will have to do something more fundamental. 

  [Correspondent] There are around 120 nonferrous metals trading points in 
Murmansk Region. For example, this one gives around one dollar for 1kg of copper. 
None of the traders looks into the details of where the scrap came from 
or, most important, who is selling it. 

  The traders cannot be brought to liability - they are working legally. 
However, around 30 licences have been withdrawn for various violations. 
Attempts are also being made to fight the metals thieves, but so far 
unsuccessfully. Out of over 200 cases that have been opened, not a single 
one has made it to court. 

  The local authorities had in the end to resort to radical measures. 
Buying metals from individuals has been banned throughout the Region from 
1st May until the governor issues a special instruction. [end recording] 
[Video shows rail and phone lines, nuclear submarine, other facilities] 

Back to the top

#4
Sino-Russian "Partnership" Developing  

Nezavisimoye Voyennoye Obozreniye, No. 13
April 9-15, 1999
[translation for personal use only]
Article by Yevgeniy Dezhin: "A Strategic Partnership Between Russia 
and China May Become a Counterbalance to Ties with NATO" 

An Alternative
 
After decades of intense confrontation, Sino-Russian relations have a 
tendency to improve. Today, evidence of this is the increase in the 
number of contacts between official delegations of the two countries on 
various levels, beginning with the business meetings of trade 
representatives and ending with summits of the leaders of the states. 
Thus, in the last 6 years, Russian Federation President Boris Yeltsin and 
PRC Chairman Jiang Zemin have each made three visits to the neighboring 
country.
 
Strengthening political and economic ties today is a priority direction of 
development of Sino-Russian relations. At the top of the list of the 
policy of peace and good-neighbor relations between the two great powers, 
on the one hand, is the statement of fact repeatedly expressed by the 
leaders of the two states about the trend toward the formation of a new 
multipolar world order. On the other hand, in the opinion of western 
experts, the strengthening of ties between Russia and China is a powerful 
counterbalance to the two countries' dependence on the policy of world 
domination being implemented by the United States. The secret agreement 
of Russia and China during discussion of questions falling within the 
jurisdiction of the UN Security Council seems even more ominous for the 
West. Thus, Russia supports China in attempts to settle the Taiwan 
problem; China, in turn, is on Russia's side in its opposition to the 
expanding North Atlantic bloc. The positions of the two states are also 
close on the problem of NATO aggression against Yugoslavia. 

Besides the similarity of the positions of Russia and China in questions of 
geopolitics, other specific interests of bilateral cooperation exist. 

Thus, from 1991 to 1998, the volume of bilateral trade increased from 
$3.9 to $6.8 billion, which exceeds by several times the volume of 
bilateral trade between China and the USSR in the mid-1980's. The nature 
of bilateral economic ties is based on the fact that the state sector of 
Chinese industry was created with the help of the USSR in the 1950's, and 
now China is interested in modernizing its industrial enterprises using 
technical assistance and Russian-made industrial equipment, since this 
modernization cannot compare in costs with similar American programs, for 
example. 

China's swift economic growth has brought to light its critical demand for 
energy sources, growing day by day. In this case, Russia simply has no 
competitors. China is vitally interested both in importing electricity 
from Siberia and gas and oil from the former Soviet Central Asian 
republics and the Russian Far East. The latter variant, however, makes 
one doubt its feasibility. Constant social tension in the Xinjiang-Uygur 
Autonomous Region places in question the security and continuity of oil 
and gas deliveries from Kazakhstan in particular. Fed buy nationalist 
contradictions between the indigenous population of the region, the 
Uygurs, and those arriving from somewhere else, the Khans, periodically 
flaring up in bloody conflicts, this hotspot of China is not contributing 
to the development of peaceful trade relations between the neighboring 
states. This is especially true since instances of Chinese servicemen 
crossing the border with Kazakhstan pursuing Uygur separatists have 
increased in frequency lately.
 
However, despite the importance of trade relations, the most profound aspect 
of Sino-Russian relations lies in the sphere of arms exports. 

Considering that the Chinese Armed Forces were patterned after the Soviet 
Armed Forces and armed with Soviet weapons, and that the United States and the 
countries of Western Europe have refused to cooperate with China in the 
military sphere due to differences of views on problems of observing 
human rights and unsettled territorial claims, Russia is an ideal source 
for China to obtain modern military technologies. Beginning in 1992, the 
total volume of arms sales to China was $4.5 billion for the Russian 
Federation, which made the PRC the most important exporter of Russian 
military equipment and technology. In the next few years, China intends 
to have in its inventory 72 Su-27 aircraft, 50 T-72 main battle tanks, 
S-300PMU surface-to-air missile systems, 2 Sovremennyy- class destroyers, 
4 Varshavyanka-class submarines, and other Russian-made armament. China 
also has acquired a license to produce Su-27 fighters and has already 
launched two aircraft of this type assembled in Shenyang. As far as the 
two Sovremennyy destroyers are concerned, according to U.S. Defense 
Secretary William Cohen, China is interested not so much in acquiring the 
ships as in acquiring the Moskit anti-ship missile system it is armed 
with, capable of waging successful combat with U.S. Navy warships 
equipped with the latest AEGIS target detection and fire control system. 

The volume of military equipment sales and the widespread use of Russian 
military technology in modernizing the Chinese Armed Forces can hardly be 
viewed as a purely commercial interest. On the contrary, all these 
factors attest to the development of a deep, stably developing strategic 
partnership between two powers. 

Such a strategic partnership causes serious concern in the West for two 
reasons. The first involves the fact that China is an emerging superpower 
with an authoritarian-type government armed with a communist ideology, 
which is developing its military muscles and advancing territorial 
claims. In addition, a new strategic alliance with Russia--a nuclear 
power and one of the members of the UN Security Council--clearly leads to 
a strengthening of China's positions in the international arena and to a 
weakening of U.S. influence on it. The second reason involves the fact 
that a new strategic partnership may decrease Russia's interest in 
developing relations with the West, especially in conditions of the NATO 
aggression against Yugoslavia, sharply condemned by Moscow.
Back to the top


#5
Moscow Times
May  7, 1999 
Primakov Called Not Irreplaceable 
By David McHugh
Staff Writer 
Keeping up the Kremlin's sniping at Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, a top
assistant to President Boris Yeltsin said Primakov was not indispensable
and that the president had a list of possible replacements close at hand.  

"For certain, there are no irreplaceable prime ministers, including
Yevgeny Maksimovich [Primakov]," first deputy chief of staff Oleg Sysuyev
was quoted as saying by Kommersant newspaper in Thursday's edition.  

"I think the president certainly has a collection of names that could
replace anyone, including the prime minister. ... Primakov is not the
messiah," said Sysuyev, who is often the Kremlin's mouthpiece on political
questions.  

Sysuyev's statements continued a steady stream of Kremlin rhetoric and
political moves aimed at chipping away at the authority of Primakov, who
was chosen as a compromise between Yeltsin and the Communist-run parliament.  

Yeltsin ceded much of his day-to-day authority to Primakov during several
months of illness, but in recent weeks has started to try to reclaim his
lost influence. The news media are full of speculation that he may fire
Primakov, or dump some of his key ministers to weaken the prime minister's
position.  

Sysuyev mentioned no names, but oft-suggested potential replacements
include First Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin, Yabloko leader
Grigory Yavlinsky, Federation Council chairman Yegor Stroyev and Moscow
Mayor Yury Luzhkov.  

Luzhkov, though, says he wouldn't take the job and on Thursday warned
Yeltsin not to fire the prime minister.  

That would be "an incorrect move," Luzhkov was quoted as saying by
Itar-Tass when asked about Sysuyev's comments. "Among us there are no
saviors or messiahs," he said, but "Primakov in comparison to previous ...
prime ministers is able to stabilize the situation."  

Primakov took over in the wake of the Aug. 17 financial crisis, but has
managed to avoid a collapse of the government's finances and hyperinflation.  

Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov joined the pro-Primakov chorus, saying
that "the ruin of the Cabinet will mean the complete collapse of our
financial and economic system," Itar-Tass reported.  

Primakov himself remained out of sight at a suburban Moscow residence,
where he is undergoing treatment for back trouble. His chief of staff, Yury
 Zubakov, said there was no political basis for Primakov's absence.  

The prime minister was reviewing economic reform legislation needed to
satisfy the International Monetary Fund, which last week agreed to release
$4.5 billion, Zubakov said.  

State Duma Speaker Gennady Seleznyov also remained hospitalized for a
scheduled examination, first announced Wednesday, and would return to work
Tuesday, a spokesman said..

Back to the top

#6
Russia Today
http://www.russiatoday.com
May 6, 1999 
Rugova Reappears
By Rod Pounsett  

The sudden appearance of Albanian Kosovar political leader Ibrahim Rugova
and some of his family in Italy once again raises questions about the NATO
propaganda machine.  

For weeks NATO has been insisting Rugova was under house arrest and the
control of Milosevic. When Belgrade reported Rugova was negotiating freely
on a peace settlement, NATO claimed it was a product of the Milosevic lie
factory. There had even been earlier reports that Rugova had been
assassinated. 

Now the Kosovars' leader turns up free with his family in a NATO country.
That is, he is free, provided of course Milosevic has not planted some mind
control device in his brain, to tell us the truth about his dealings with
the Yugoslav leader. 

Mr Rugova is head of the Kosovo Democratic League (LDK), the largest
moderate group representing Kosovo's ethnic Albanians. For more than a
decade Washington staked its Kosovo policy on this Sorbonne educated
pacifist. But Rugova has always kept a healthy distance from the Kosovo
Liberation Army(KLA) which NATO now trumpets as heroes of the Kosovars.
Rugova's predilection for peaceful negotiation as opposed to force does not
fit too well with NATO's Operation Allied Force, Operation Allied Harbor
and Operation Determined Guarantor.  

The moderate leader Rugova has been calling for an end to NATO military
action and a peaceful solution to the Kosovo crisis. Until now
NATOgovernments have claimed he was only delivering this message under the
control of the Yugoslav Government.  

Whilst NATO claims it is  "fully engaged in support of a peaceful
resolution of the Kosovo crisis", its methodology is clearly at odds with
the Kosovar leader. If Rugova continues to play the peace card in Italy, it
is going to be highly embarrassing, not to say inconvenient, for NATO. 

To switch from "now he's a good guy" to "now he's bad" just will not stand
up in the international forum. But if Rugova starts to win support for his
diplomatic route preferences, it could seriously restrict NATO's declared
intention to get a military victory.  

Indeed while the cameras were surrounding Rugova in Rome, President Bill
Clinton was delivering some emotive rhetoric to his armed forces in another
part of Europe, giving not too disguised hints that his troops should be
prepared for something even bigger.  Clinton was speaking at the US base in
Germany where the three American soldiers were taken after being freed
following the Jesse Jackson mercy mission to Belgrade.  

The Rugova appearance comes at a time when there are signs of increased
momentum to diplomatic initiatives aimed at a peaceful solution to the
Kosovo crisis and growing support for halt, of only temporarily, to the
NATO bombing. Russia's special envoy, former prime minister Viktor
Chernomyrdin has been quite upbeat about the results of his shuttle
diplomacy. Even the White House has hinted that Clinton may be in favor of
a pause in NATO action under the right conditions. If Rugova is delivering
a message in Rome which suggests Milosevic may be prepared to meet those
conditions, the pressure will increase on NATO to stop its bombing attacks
in order to give peace a chance. 

Rugova does not, of course, speak for all Albanian Kosovars, and there have
been signs his mandate has become weaker as victims of the Serb's ethnic
cleansing lean further towards supporting military action as a means to
seek revenge and win back their homeland.  

But if he can prove he is speaking of his own free will and represents a
genuine key to negotiations with Milosevic, NATO would be unwise to dump
him.  

He was welcomed at the high table during the now infamous Rambouillet peace
talks and was a signatory to the "Interim Agreement for Peace and Self
Government of Kosovo". It was Belgrade's refusal to countersign this
document which gave NATO its raison d'être for air strikes against
Yugoslavia. 

If he is holding an olive branch, however flimsy, NATO should grab it.

Back to the top

#7
Expert Sees Possibility of Arms Supplies To Belgrade  

Vienna's Der Standard in German
4 May 1999
[translation for personal use only]
 Report by Roman Berger: "Chimpanzee With a Shell in His Hand" 

"All threats by Russian politicians and military 
officials against the West since the beginning of the NATO air strikes 
against Yugoslavia are banalities and silly phrases which with Moscow 
wants to maintain a facade that is no longer based on real power." This 
is the conclusion that Aleksey Arbatov, Duma member and a well known 
security expert, drew in an interview for Western journalists. 

Arbatov is a member of the Yabloko faction, which, under the leadership of 
the liberal Grigoriy Yavlinskiy, forms the only democratic opposition in 
Russia's Lower House. In the West, Arbatov is considered one of Russia's 
few independent military experts. His father Grigoriy headed the Moscow 
Institute for North American Studies for decades. 

In the past few years, Russia did everything the United States 
demanded, Arbatov believes. "We carried out disarmament measures. NATO 
today enjoys at least a 10-fold military preponderance as far as quality 
and quantity are concerned. Now we have even reached a stage where our 
own people no longer feel safe. For this reason, the government is forced 
to utter noisy but empty threats." 

In this position of weakness, politicians and military officials are 
demanding changes concerning the Russian security doctrine. They want to 
be able to use nuclear weapons in a first strike. How does Arbatov assess 
this demand? 

  [Arbatov] In view of Russia's considerable inferiority in the sphere of 
conventional weapons, the military leadership rightly calls for the right 
carry out a nuclear first strike. Yet it is important to know what is to 
happen after such a first strike. If I ask the military officials this 
question, I am faced with eloquent silence. The truth is that Russia is 
not in a position to defend itself against a response by the other side. 
In the eyes of the United States, Russia is increasingly turning into a 
chimpanzee with a shell in his hand. We are becoming unpredictable. This 
is the biggest danger. 

  [Berger] How disturbed is the relationship between Russia and NATO?
 
  [Arbatov] We were euphoric 10 years ago. Russia was told that NATO would
not expand toward the east and that it would only defend its member states. 
Both things have turned out to be wrong. We feel deceived today. Against 
this backdrop, the following question is rightly being asked: Will NATO 
intervene in five or 10 years on the territory of the former Soviet 
Union, in Nagorno-Karabach, in Abkhazia, or even in Russia itself under 
the same pretext as in the Balkans today? In view of what is happening in 
Yugoslavia, numerous Russians are afraid of NATO.
 
  [Berger] President Boris Yeltsin has stated several times that Russia will 
not be dragged into a war. Can one take that seriously? 

  [Arbatov] If the air strikes should continue for a long time, Russia might 
support Yugoslavia with weapons, which is already being demanded by a 
majority among the population today. These supplies can reach Yugoslavia 
only by sea. A direct confrontation with NATO ships blocking access to 
Montenegro's ports would be unavoidable. 

  Political pressure in Russia will grow if a ground war should take place in 
Yugoslavia. I am thinking of the several hundred thousand officers who 
were dismissed in the past few years. Many of them participated in the 
war in Afghanistan or Chechnya and are ready to go to Yugoslavia as 
volunteers. It would not be possible for the Russian government to stop 
these volunteers. As a result, NATO would be involved in brutal guerrilla 
warfare in direct conflict with the Serbian army.
 
  [Berger] Russia still needs credits from the West.
 
  [Arbatov] That is right. Yet if the situation in the Balkans should
continue to exacerbate, and if a new government should come to power in Moscow, 
Western credits will no longer be important. Then Russia will no longer 
pay its debts either. 

Back to the top


#8
IntellectualCapital.com
May 6, 1999
Farewell to Arms? Forget about It!
by David Isenberg  isenberd@DynCorp.com			 			
David Isenberg is an analyst at DynMeridian. The views expressed here are
his own.  He is also a regular commentator for IntellectualCapital.com.
		 		 		 

It is often said that good things come to those who wait. The goal of
reducing the number of nuclear weapons in the world is a good thing. But
thanks to the decision to go to war with Serbia, those looking forward to
that goal are going to have to continue waiting.

Aleksey Arbatov, deputy head of the Duma Committee for Defense, said on
April 20 that "the NATO aggression against Yugoslavia has buried hopes for
the ratification by the Russian State Duma of the START II treaty on the
reduction of strategic offensive armaments."

Arbatov said the Duma had planned to discuss START in March. About the same
time, Russian President Boris Yeltsin had signed the law on the
ratification of the treaty, and four special committees had expressed
agreement with the draft document. But when the war against Yugoslavia
started, START II immediately was removed from the agenda. "No matter in
what way the Yugoslavia problem will be resolved, I cannot imagine
ourselves remembering about the treaty after all that happened all of a
sudden and ratifying it at once," Arbatov said.

II is better than I

START II would have been a big improvement over the status quo. Its
predecessor, START I -- negotiated by the Reagan and Bush administrations,
signed July 31, 1991, and entered into force Dec. 5, 1994 -- limited each
side to:

* 1,600 deployed ballistic missiles (ICBMs and SLBMs) and heavy bombers for
each side;
* 6,000 "accountable" warheads on these systems, of which no more than
4,900 may be on ballistic missiles, 1,540 on heavy missiles (the Soviet
SS-18), or 1,100 on mobile ICBMs. Ballistic missile throw-weight (lifting
power) is limited to 3,600 metric tons on each side. Given the arcane
nature of the counting rules, however, both sides actually could have more
than 6,000 strategic warheads.

Will the war in Kosovo kill the START talks?

START II, however, which was signed Jan. 3, 1993, would have meant that by
Dec. 31, 2007, the United States and Russia could deploy no more than 3,000
to 3,500 strategic nuclear warheads each on ICBMs, SLBMs and heavy bombers.
By Dec. 31, 2003, both sides would have to "deactivate" all strategic
nuclear-delivery vehicles to be eliminated under the treaty by removing
their nuclear re-entry vehicles or taking other jointly agreed steps.

Furthermore, START II would have called for:

* No multiple warheads (MIRVs) on land-based missiles. (As MIRVs always
have been feared for their ability to help carry out a first strike, this
would be a significant advance);
* Destruction of all SS-18 "heavy" Russian missiles;
* No more than 1,700 to 1,750 warheads deployed on SLBMs.

And under  START II’s counting rules -- unlike those in START I, which
substantially undercounts bomber weapons -- the number of weapons counted
for heavy bombers would have been the number they actually are equipped to
carry.

Anti-NATO rumblings in Russia

Unlike past stumbling blocks for START that delayed its consideration by
the Russian Duma, the war in Kosovo threatens to kill it all together.
Consider, for example, some of the recent actions and announcements by
Russian leaders since the war began.

On March 25, some Russian generals from the Ministry of Defense and the
general staff made anonymous statements widely covered in the Russian
press. They said Russia was elaborating proposals to deploy tactical
nuclear weapons on the Byelorussian territory "if the situation develops
unfavorably for the Russian Federation."

On April 27, Izvestiya reported that commanders from Russia's strategic
nuclear forces are preparing proposals for a "drastic" overhaul of their
forces to increase Russia's combat-ready nuclear strength. The proposals
will be presented at a Security Council session later this week, according
to the daily newspaper. The decision will be implemented by "upgrading and
extending the life spans of strategic weapon systems of the last Soviet
series."

In addition, the navy's commander in chief, Admiral Vladimir Kuroedov,
ordered that all nuclear submarines remain on combat duty and that any
accident involving them be considered a crime.

On April 29, after a meeting with his Security Council, President Boris
Yeltsin said nuclear forces remain the "key element" in Russia's military
might, stressing that Russia must keep a sufficient number of nuclear
weapons to guarantee its security. 

Meanwhile, one Russian lawmaker said Moscow's nuclear strategy should allow
for the possibility of launching a pre-emptive strike. "We must definitely
include a provision in our doctrine to the effect that Russia reserves the
right to deliver a first or a pre-emptive nuclear strike," said Roman
Popkovich, chairman of the Defense Committee in Parliament's lower house.

And, just last week, according to the Guardian, Yeltsin ordered the
development of new tactical nuclear missiles to counter a perceived
increased threat from NATO. Russian defense specialists now see NATO as an
aggressive alliance posing a direct threat to Russian interests that must
be countered by enhancing the nuclear deterrent.

The defense ministry already has decided to postpone the retirement of some
Delta nuclear-attack submarines and extend the life of SS18 "Satan"
intercontinental missiles.

No chance for a START III

The proposed development of smaller tactical missiles is significant
because it signals a radical shift in Russian defense strategy -- toward a
nuclear first-strike capability. Under this doctrine, instead of deploying
strategic (intercontinental) missiles to be used in retaliation for a
Western nuclear attack, shorter-range tactical nuclear missiles could be
used against attacks from conventional weapons.

Even at the height of the Cold War, Russian policy was to strike only in
response to a first use of nuclear force by NATO. Ironically, the new
Russian strategy is almost identical to NATO's Cold War "flexible response"
policy, which called for NATO using tactical nuclear weapons first, in
response to a Soviet invasion using conventional weapons.

And as the United States maintains that it will not start negotiations on a
START III treaty -- the basic goal of which would be that the United States
and Russia deploy no more than 2,000 to 2,500 strategic nuclear warheads
each on ICBMs, SLBMs and heavy bombers by Dec. 31, 2007 coterminous with
START II -- we can kiss that goodbye as well.

It is often said that in war, the first casualty is truth. But in this war,
nuclear arms control is a close second. All in all, to paraphrase what
Oliver Hardy used to say to Stan Laurel, this is another fine mess the
Clinton administration has gotten us into. 

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#9
TIME Digital
May 3, 1999
The Russians Are Crashing! The Russians Are Crashing!

The Russians are scrambling to get their missile systems ready for Y2K. The
war in Yugoslavia isn't helping

In Russia, the Y2K problem isn't about embedded chips in microwaves, it's
about nuclear bombs.  The specter of a Y2K-induced nuclear apocalypse is so
terrifying, and real, that earlier this year Russia came to the U.S. and
the IMF for help in controlling its arsenal through the turn of the
millennium. The U.S. formed a delegation of technicians to send to Russia,
but before work could begin the war in the Balkans heated up, and
diplomatic relations cooled down to Cold War temperatures. Now all bets are
off, and the clock is ticking...

The Russian missiles have safeguards preventing self-launch, regardless of
how badly their computers crash, but the Russian military early warning
system, which provides command and control information to the people with
their fingers on the button, is extremely vulnerable to Y2K-related
malfunction. In January, the Russians raised Western eyebrows when they
threw up their hands and asked for technical assistance  from the United
States (and money from the IMF) to fix their Y2K-unready machines. Needless
to say, the vision of the Russian military command staring at "cannot find
file: strategic missile data" on their frozen computer screens while poised
to launch missiles capable of destroying all life on Earth was a big
motivator for the U.S. Plans were hatched to send a delegation to Russia to
discuss Y2K cooperation.

In mid-February a group of U.S. computer specialists and military people,
led by Assistant Secretary of Defense Ted Warner, traveled to Russia and
reached a cooperative agreement with the Russians to stave off disaster.
The plan was to send technical experts to assist the Russians in updating
their computer systems and to exchange observers at key military posts over
the date change to avoid any misunderstandings. 

But now, with Russian-U.S. relations at a post-Cold War low because of the
Balkan war, the U.S. is struggling to show that this crucial agreement has
not suffered. When a Pentagon spokesperson announced on April 19 that Y2K
cooperation with Russia was continuing as planned, TIME Moscow
correspondent Andrew Meier took it with more than a grain of salt. "The
April 19 announcement was damage control by the U.S. Any real progress in
the Y2K cooperation agreement would have been much more highly publicized,
and they would have mentioned something about when the technical teams
could begin their work."  So where does the agreement stand? "As far as we
can tell, the cooperation is on hold." 

Will the Russians back out for real?  It seems unlikely. For the Russians
to prevent U.S. experts from upgrading their computers would be like
kicking the firefighters out of the house for leaving the toilet seat up.
Unfortunately, rationality has been in scarce supply ever since the war in
the Balkans began, and nobody knows what might happen, especially if NATO
deploys ground troops. The future of the Balkan war is also uncertain, and
global nuclear security has been added to the list of issues hinging on its
outcome.

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#10
MSNBC
May 3, 1999
Israel, Russia in big weapons deal Nations to produce high-tech aircraft 
for sale to China 
By Jonathan Broder
SPECIAL TO MSNBC 	 	 	  

WASHINGTON, May 3  Against a backdrop of growing U.S. concern, Israel and
Russia have signed a deal to cooperate on the production of sophisticated
AWACS-style early-warning aircraft for sale to the Chinese Air Force, MSNBC
has learned. 	 

The Clinton administration is becoming increasingly convinced that Israel
is building a disturbing new strategic relationship with Moscow.             
                              
THE DEAL AND several others that are in the works represent the ripening
fruits of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahus controversial new policy,
which seeks to forge closer ties with Russia by offering its military
manufacturers lucrative co-production agreements with Israels
state-of-the-art defense industries. Israel already has similar agreements
China.

U.S. intelligence sources, citing classified documents, said Jerusalem and
Moscow also are close to agreement on another deal under which Israel will
upgrade aging MiG-21 warplanes for Russias Third World clients.

At least two more military co-production deals are under discussion between
Israel and Russia, the sources said, one of them apparently involving the
modernization of Russian tanks, artillery and other armored vehicles with
sophisticated Israeli guns and range-finding and targeting technology.
Israel is already working with the Russian aircraft manufacturer Kamov to
produce attack helicopters. 
       
INCREASING U.S. CONCERN

Though little has been said publicly, the Clinton administration is growing
increasingly concerned about the burgeoning Israeli-Russian relationship,
said several officials who spoke on condition of anonymity. 

With U.S.-Israeli relations already strained over the stalled Middle East
peace process, the issue is considered highly sensitive, both politically
and diplomatically.

Netanyahu and his supporters in the United States have explained the
Israeli policy in broad terms as a bid by the right-wing prime minister to
win the votes of Russian immigrants in Israels closely contested election
on May 17. Many Russians in Israel maintain close personal and business
ties with their motherland and want Israel to improve relations with
Moscow, historically the ally of Israels Arab enemies. 

But with these latest examples of defense cooperation, the Clinton
administration is becoming increasingly convinced that Israel is building a
disturbing new strategic relationship with Moscow that has far-reaching
and dangerous  implications for U.S. interests around the world, officials
said. 
       
U.S. NOT CONSULTED

Further angering the administration is the fact that Netanyahu and Israeli
Foreign Minister Ariel Sharon laid the foundations for this new policy
without any consultations with Washington. Israel is one of Americas
closest allies, receiving more than $3 billion a year in aid. The two
countries also cooperate closely on a broad range of military and
intelligence issues.                                                              

In recent weeks, Netanyahu and Sharon have tried to soothe administration
officials, quietly assuring them that Jerusalems policy of engaging Russia
dovetails with U.S. policy. 
 
They say Israels defense cooperation with Russia can be a lucrative carrot
to wean Moscow from its deals to supply nuclear and missile technology to
Iran, which is also an American concern.

But U.S. officials say there is no evidence that Israels policy of
engagement with Moscow has worked to halt Russian sales to Iran. Moreover,
they say, Israels overtures to Russia are undercutting Washingtons own
efforts to restrain Moscow. They point out that those efforts, which
include trade sanctions against a number of Russian defense companies, were
undertaken at the insistence of Israel itself.

When were sanctioning Russian firms for their cooperation with the
Iranians, it sends a real mixed signal to the Russians, said a senior
official. It certainly gives the appearance to the Russians that Israel has
its own agenda, which is not necessarily the U.S. agenda.
       
AGAINST U.S. INTERESTS

Now, with the agreement to sell co-produced early-warning aircraft to
China, officials charge Israels interests are working directly against
those of the United States. 

As Washington reels from a growing scandal involving Chinas acquisition of
nuclear and other weapons secrets from the United States, the
administration is particularly concerned about the Israeli-Russian-Chinese
deal. The arrangement, concluded over the past few weeks, confirms the
Pentagons worst fears about Chinas efforts to acquire specialized aircraft
to relay targeting data from Chinese military reconnaissance satellites.

Under the Israeli-Russian deal, Israel Aircraft Industries will mount its
sophisticated PHALCON detection and targeting systems onto Russian-made
Ilyushin IL-76 jetliners, which will then be sold to Chinas air force, U.S.
intelligence sources say. It is still not clear how many aircraft are
involved.

U.S. officials say Chinas purchase of such sophisticated long-range
reconnaissance aircraft will only aggravate the already-tense situation
between China and Taiwan and extend Chinas military reach into other areas
of the Pacific, where the United States has vital interests. 

Israel has its own interests, said the senior U.S. official, adding that
this is not the first time that Israel has sold arms to regions where the
United States has been trying to calm things down.
       
BILLIONS FOR ISRAEL

Those interests are seen as both economic and strategic. U.S. officials
note that by teaming up with Russias defense industries, Israel stands to
earn billions of dollars by upgrading the arsenals of the former Soviet
Unions client states in the Third World.        

U.S. officials say China’s purchase of such sophisticated aircraft will
only aggravate the already-tense situation between China and Taiwan.
                                 
There's all this former Soviet military equipment out there, which is
starting to wear out, and the Israelis have got very innovative techniques
to upgrade it, said another U.S. official. He noted that during various
Middle Eastern wars, Israel captured huge amounts of Russian-made hardware
from vanquished Arab armies and studied it closely.
      
So they understand the designs, he said. Working with the Russians is a
mutually advantageous deal, and they can make a hell of a lot of money. Not
to mention expanding their influence into markets that they havent been
able to penetrate before.

A case in point is the discussions over the MiG-21 upgrades, which have
been going on since January, according to intelligence reports.

There are thousands of MiG-21 aircraft in service throughout the Third
World, presenting an enormous business opportunity for Israels state-run
defense companies that produce the avionics, armaments and fuel tank and
engine designs to create more efficient and higher-performance aircraft.
       
MIGS IN WORLD HOT SPOTS

But U.S. officials worry that the most likely customers for these MiG-21
upgrades are in the some of the worlds most volatile regions. They cite
India, which is now involved in a nuclear arms race with neighboring
Pakistan, and many countries in sub-Saharan Africa, where instability and
tribal violence are growing. Under the deal now nearing completion with
Moscow, Israel would perform the aircraft upgrades in the countries that
own the planes, the intelligence sources say. 

Some experts believe that one of the greatest strategic dividends from
Jerusalems weapons cooperation with Russia will be a fresh source of money
to maintain Israels nuclear weapons and long-range missile programs. 

In the past, Israel depended on apartheid South Africa and
pre-revolutionary Iran to fund these programs, according to Avner Cohen,
who writes about Israels nuclear arsenal at Washingtons National Security
Archive. 

Both intelligence officials and non-proliferation experts believe that a
portion of Israels earnings from its arms production deals with Russia will
go to support the estimated $400 million budget that Israel uses to
maintain its super-secret nuclear weapons laboratory in Dimona, its nuclear
weapons production at state-subsidized Rafael Industries and its strategic
air force, naval and missile units. 

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