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#22 - JRL 9117 - JRL Home
Moscow Times
April 11, 2005
The World Needs a Strong Russia
By Alexander Vershbow
Alexander Vershbow is the U.S. ambassador to Russia. He contributed this comment
to The Moscow Times.
It goes without saying that the economic dimension of the U.S.-Russian
relationship has tremendous potential for mutual gain. What needs to be said is
something more obvious: Russia's economic future depends upon Russia's own
choices. After six years of brisk economic growth, Russia stands at a
crossroads: It can either revert to a statist economic model and fall behind its
peers, or adopt an outward-looking, market-oriented economy and be positioned to
integrate and prosper in the global economic system.
We hope that Russia chooses the path of integration. However, integration is
more than a matter of joining major international economic organizations. It
means that businessmen in Tomsk and Tulsa are able to compete for business on an
equal footing. It also means a supplier in San Diego is just as likely to win an
order from a wholesaler in St. Petersburg as is a merchant in Saratov, if the
Californian can offer the best product, price and service. In other words,
integration creates an economic environment that allows entrepreneurial skill to
flourish, which leads to better products, better prices, better service and more
jobs.
This is the future that all friends of Russia -- and, we believe, the Russian
people themselves -- want to create. America wants to see a strong, democratic
Russia, not only because such a Russia would be a more reliable international
partner and a model for other states in the region, but also because such a
Russia would be able to support increased economic ties between our two nations.
Basic economics tells us that both the San Diego supplier and the St. Petersburg
wholesaler gain by doing business together, so our governments ought to be in
the "business" of maximizing these exchanges.
In short, increased bilateral economic activity is a win-win proposition for
the American and Russian people, not a zero-sum game as some portray it.
However, in order to realize such a future, Russia needs to make progress on
unfinished structural initiatives: streamlining the government bureaucracy,
natural monopoly reform, building the rule of law and rooting out corruption.
While the work required to accomplish these tasks is not glamorous or always
popular, without it the country will never realize its full potential.
Bemoaning such fundamental problems will not make them go away. I would like
to mention two areas in which we believe deeper engagement with Russia can lead
to positive results: World Trade Organization accession and the energy sector.
At their February meeting in Bratislava, President Vladimir Putin and U.S.
President George W. Bush singled out both as areas of special interest.
The United States supports Russia's bid to join the WTO. Our negotiators are
currently working to conclude a commercially fair, mutually beneficial package
that would facilitate Russia's entry into the global body. To reach agreement,
Russia must make some hard decisions. It will need to curb strong protectionist
forces, especially in the agricultural, aircraft and financial services sectors.
Moreover, Russia needs to do far more to protect intellectual property rights,
or IPR -- in particular, cracking down on the rampant piracy of CDs, DVDs and
computer software. Russia has enacted stricter IPR legislation, but it still has
a long way to go toward enforcing such laws. Strong IPR protection is a key
pillar of any modern economy and is crucial if Russia wants to unlock the
productive capabilities of its most valuable natural resource, its people.
I am convinced that by adopting WTO rules, Russia will rationalize its laws
and regulatory standards -- in turn, providing investors with greater certainty,
predictability and transparency. Russia has passed a majority of the legislation
necessary for accession, but key pieces of legislation on issues such as
subsidies and customs valuation have not yet gone to the State Duma. Progress on
WTO accession remains subject to Russia's decisions and depends, to a large
extent, on the time frame it sets for accession. As Bush reiterated in
Bratislava, the United States is committed to working with Russia. Both our
presidents voiced their desire to conclude our bilateral negotiations this year.
The energy sector is another example of a potential win-win situation. U.S.
companies can bring the capital, technology and experience needed to tap many of
Russia's oil and gas fields, especially those involving challenges never before
encountered by Russia's own industry. Russia's companies stand to gain as
revenues increase, while the government's coffers would further swell with tax
receipts. However, while there have been many discussions of possible deals in
this sector, we have seen far fewer agreements concluded than we had hoped for.
Developing the full potential of our energy relationship will require Russia to
make some long-overdue decisions concerning constructing pipelines, developing
Russia's liquefied natural gas, or LNG, capability, and establishing a more
stable and transparent investment environment.
Recently, we have seen positive signs on this front: U.S. company
ConocoPhillips concluded a strategic alliance with LUKoil; Gazprom is in serious
discussions with foreign partners regarding LNG projects; the Russian government
has decided to expand the pipeline infrastructure; and a new law on subsoil will
likely be in place soon (although we believe some of the language in the current
draft regarding foreign companies detracts from what is otherwise a quite
market-friendly initiative). Unfortunately, the uncertainty created by the
dismantling of Yukos, as well as the move toward greater state control in the
energy sector, undercuts these positives. While each country has the right to
decide how best to manage its natural resources, Russia must realize a
restrictive regime can have a high cost. In this case, the cost is a reduction
in foreign and -- even more worrisome -- domestic investment.
I use the WTO and the energy sector as examples not only because we view
movement on these issues as indicators of Russia's commitment to fostering
closer economic ties, but also because if Russia can make progress on these
issues, then the country will be that much closer to attaining the economic
success of its G8 partners. Progress means setting up a rules-based system that
creates the incentive for private companies to do business without fear of
government capriciousness. Progress would be reflected in the fact that Russia
would no longer bring in only a small fraction of the foreign direct investment
that economies of similar size do. While Russian policymakers may debate about
the optimal level of state involvement in the economy, there should be no debate
about the fact that the arbitrary application of the law is the surest route to
economic ruin. In this vein, it will indeed be positive news if, following on
Putin's recent comments, Russia passes legislation shortening the statute of
limitations on privatization reviews from 10 years to three and legislation
circumscribing the tax authorities.
Let me say again that it is in the U.S. interest that Russia become a strong
economic power, fully integrated into the global economy. Both the U.S. and the
Russian economies will benefit from that outcome, as will the broader
U.S.-Russian relationship. We will continue our work to achieve that goal and,
we hope, realize the enormous untapped potential in our economic relations in
the years ahead.
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