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#3 - JRL 8192 - JRL Home
From: "George Kolt" <kolt@erols.com>
Sent: Saturday, May 01, 2004 12:16 AM
Subject: Comparison: NeGa Article and 2015
Dear David
You were right to be puzzled when you first asked me about the claim of some
Russian authors that the CIA is forecasting Russia's disintegration. I told you
there was no such forecast and the NIC's Global Trends 2015 made no such
forecast.
I now take it, however, that the original claim of some Russian authors about
such an alleged CIA forecast appeared in NeGa on 28 April. The authors claim
that this forecast of Russia's disintegration was made in the NIC's Global
Trends 2015.
That full study is posted on the NIC website and has been since December
2000. For your information I have copied in full what the study said about
Russia. I will let you and your readers decide if this is a prediction of
Russia's disintegration.
You may also want to publish the NeGa article so that your readers may
compare those authors' interpretation of Global Trends 2015 to what the study
actually says.
George Kolt
[DJ: former National Intelligence Officer for Russia and Eurasia at the
National Intelligence Council]
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Begin Text of Global Trends 2015 on Russia.
Russia and Eurasia
Regional Trends. Uncertainties abound about the future internal
configuration, geopolitical dynamics, and degree of turbulence within and among
former Soviet states. Russia and the other states of Eurasia are likely to fall
short in resolving critical impediments to economic and political reform in
their struggle to manage the negative legacies of the Soviet period. Changing
demographics, chronic economic difficulties, and continued questions about
governance will constrain Russia's ability to project its power beyond the
former Soviet republics to the south, complicate Ukraine's efforts to draw
closer to the West, and retard the development of stable, open political
structures throughout the Caucasus and Central Asia. Those states that could
make progress on the basis of potential energy revenues are likely to fail
because of corruption and the absence of structural economic reform. The rapid
pace of scientific and technological innovation, as well as globalization, will
leave these states further behind the West as well as behind the major emerging
markets.
The economic challenges to these countries will remain daunting: insufficient
structural reform, poor productivity in agriculture as compared with Western
standards, decaying infrastructure and environmental degradation. Corruption and
organized crime, sustained by drug trafficking, money laundering, and other
illegal enterprises and, in several instances, protected by corrupt political
allies, will persist.
Demographic pressures also will affect the economic performance and political
cohesiveness of these states. Because of low birthrates and falling life
expectancy among males, the populations of the Slavic core and much of the
Caucasus will continue to decline; Russian experts predict that the country's
population could fall from 146 million at present to 130-135 million by 2015. At
the other end of the spectrum, the Central Asian countries will face a growing
youth cohort that will peak around 2010 before resuming a more gradual pattern
of population growth.
The centrality of Russia will continue to diminish, and by 2015 "Eurasia"
will be a geographic term lacking a unifying political, economic, and cultural
reality. Russia and the western Eurasian States will continue to orient
themselves toward Europe but will remain essentially outside of it. Because of
geographic proximity and cultural affinities, the Caucasus will be closer
politically to their neighbors to the south and west, with Central Asia drawing
closer to South Asia and China. Nonetheless, important interdependencies will
remain, primarily in the energy sphere.
Russia will remain the most important actor in the former Soviet Union. Its
power relative to others in the region and neighboring areas will have declined,
however, and it will continue to lack the resources to impose its will.
The Soviet economic inheritance will continue to plague Russia. Besides a
crumbling physical infrastructure, years of environmental neglect are taking a
toll on the population, a toll made worse by such societal costs of transition
as alcoholism, cardiac diseases, drugs, and a worsening health delivery system.
Russia's population is not only getting smaller, but it is becoming less and
less healthy and thus less able to serve as an engine of economic recovery. In
macro economic terms Russia's GDP probably has bottomed out. Russia,
nevertheless, is still likely to fall short in its efforts to become fully
integrated into the global financial and trading system by 2015. Even under a
best case scenario of five percent annual economic growth, Russia would attain
an economy less than one-fifth the size of that of the United States.
Many Russian futures are possible, ranging from political resurgence to
dissolution. The general drift, however, is toward authoritarianism, although
not to the extreme extent of the Soviet period. The factors favoring this course
are President Putin's own bent toward hierarchical rule from Moscow; the
population's general support of this course as an antidote to the messiness and
societal disruption of the post-Soviet transition; the ability of the ruling
elite to hold on to power because of the lack of effective national opposition,
thus making that elite accountable only to itself; and the ongoing shift of tax
resources from the regions to the center. This centralizing tendency will
contribute to dysfunctional governance. Effective governance is nearly
impossible under such centralization for a country as large and diverse as
Russia and lacking well-ordered, disciplined national bureaucracies.
Recentralization, however, will be constrained by the interconnectedness brought
about by the global information revolution, and by the gradual, although uneven,
growth of civil society.
Russia will focus its foreign policy goals on reestablishing lost influence
in the former Soviet republics to the south, fostering ties to Europe and Asia,
and presenting itself as a significant player vis-a-vis the United States. Its
energy resources will be an important lever for these endeavors. However, its
domestic ills will frustrate its efforts to reclaim its great power status.
Russia will maintain the second largest nuclear arsenal in the world as the last
vestige of its old status. The net outcome of these trends will be a Russia that
remains internally weak and institutionally linked to the international system
primarily through its permanent seat on the UN Security Council.
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