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#8 - JRL 8005
Russia: Artists Facing Prison For Controversial,
Religious-Themed Work
By Sophie Lambroschini
Copyright (c) 2004. RFE/RL, Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
www.rferl.org
One year after a Moscow museum ran a provocative art exhibit challenging the
sanctity of Russian Orthodox Christianity, two museum officials and three
artists are facing charges of up to five years in prison for inciting religious
hatred. As RFE/RL reports, the case has spurred a debate on the limits of free
expression in Russia and has many wondering about the political undertones.
Moscow, 7 January 2004 (RFE/RL) -- A year ago, the talk of the Moscow art
community was an exhibit at the city's Andrei Sakharov Museum titled, "Caution
-- religion!"
The exhibit featured paintings of human figures nailed to crosses and even to
a swastika. A larger display featured a model of a church fashioned out of vodka
bottles -- an allusion to the Russian Orthodox Church's tax breaks on alcohol
imports. Another showed an Orthodox icon with its face cut out.
In short, it was provocative -- as modern art can often be. But Yurii
Samodurov, the director of the Sakharov museum, had little idea at the time to
what degree it would provoke the authorities.
He found out late last month, when the Prosecutor-General's Office leveled
charges that might earn Samodurov up to five years in prison. The charges are
based on Article 282 of Russia's Criminal Code, which prohibits the "inciting of
national, interracial, and religious hatred."
In an interview with RFE/RL's Russian Service, Samodurov read from the
official notification of the charges leveled against him, the museum's artistic
director and three artists who contributed to the exhibit. They are being
charged with "the public exhibition in the museum of specially collected
displays that incite hatred and hostility and offend the dignity of people on
the basis of their belonging to the Christian faith in general, and Orthodox
Christianity, and the Russian Orthodox Church in particular."
The "Caution -- religion!" exhibit was causing controversy just days after
its opening, when members of a radical religious organization entered the
museum, breaking some of the displays and covering others with spray paint. The
assailants -- whose vandalism cases were later dismissed -- explained that the
exhibit had insulted their faith.
The museum quickly closed the exhibit, but not soon enough to stem a wave of
protests from political and religious groups. A representative from the Moscow
Patriarchate called the exhibition "illegal." Writers and artists like film
director Nikita Mikhalkov wrote open letters condemning the exhibit. And the
Duma, Russia's lower house of parliament, demanded that prosecutors take legal
action against the museum's director.
Samodurov firmly rejects any suggestion that the exhibit amounted to
religious heresy and says the charges violate his freedom of expression.
"It is clear that religious symbols like icons have one meaning when they're
in a church, but a completely different meaning when they're hanging in an
exhibit hall, when they're represented in the works of secular artists that may
often express some criticism, including of the church," Samodurov said.
Aleksandr Verkhovskii, the editor of the "Sova" religious affairs website,
says the outcome of the case is uncertain.
"There is a precedent in such cases -- not here [in Russia], but in the West
-- cases of insulting people's beliefs. And it did happen that sometimes the
artists or the organizations that organized the events would lose, even in front
of the European Court [of Human Rights]. So it's difficult to say a priori what
is justified and what is not," Verkhovskii said.
But the cases rejected by the Strasbourg court involved the simple banning of
provocative films and exhibits -- not criminal charges. Verkhovskii says such
cases in Russia usually die "a natural death" in the prosecutor's office. But
now, he says, the atmosphere in Russia appears to have changed. And
pro-Orthodoxy factions, which often keep close company with nationalist groups,
have been on the rise since the Duma elections in early December.
"Part of those people who insisted on opening a criminal case [against
Samodurov] have now become Duma deputies from the Motherland [Party] bloc. And I
guess [their stance] is now considered to be a more respectable public
position," Verkhovskii said.
Motherland, which emerged from the relative political wilderness to come in
fourth place in last month's election, is supported by a number of groups
seeking a more prominent role for the Russian Orthodox Church. Motherland leader
Sergei Glazev is a prominent member of a group called the Union of Orthodox
Citizens, which has been a vocal critic of the Sakharov museum. And a recent
article in the "Nezavisimaya gazeta" newspaper noted what it called the new
Duma's "unprecedented loyalty" to the church.
Pro-Orthodoxy trends, feeding on the nationalistic belief that faith is key
to Russia's identity, have been an undercurrent in Russian affairs for over a
decade. They compete with factions who believe that strict state neutrality in
matters of religion is the only way for multiethnic Russia to exist.
But the church has appeared to make certain gains in recent years.
Instruction in "Orthodox culture" in schools was recently pushed through after
years of lobbying by the church. And Russian President Vladimir Putin is often
shown attending church services. Speaking today during a visit to a monastery
outside Moscow on the occasion of Orthodox Christmas, the president said that in
Russia the state and church are separate, "but in the people's souls, they are
one."
Aleksandr Chuev, a Motherland deputy, says Russia needs to do more to punish
what he calls religious blasphemy, and that the Duma should adopt an amendment
specifically aimed at punishing those who insult religious beliefs.
"You know, if we judge and send people to jail for inciting war, if we judge
and send people to jail for racist propaganda, and if we think that is a normal
and democratic thing to do, then why aren't religious believers also protected
in our country? I don't think that's right. It shouldn't be like that," Chuev
said.
Political scientist Vladimir Pribylovskii says the Samodurov case reflects a
trend that reaches even beyond the growing role of the church, comparing it to
initiatives by a pro-Putin youth organization to ban and even burn famous
avant-garde novels they deem to be provocative or pornographic.
Pribylovskii says such trends reflect the growing support of
"nationalistic-conservative" ideals that represent a swing of the pendulum away
from the openness of the first post-Soviet decade. "Ten years ago, it would have
been unthinkable for Samodurov to be charged, or for kids to be allowed to burn
books on the street," he said. "Now it's allowed. It's the spirit of the times."
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