#16 - JRL 7277
Nezavisimaya Gazeta
August 5, 2003
UNITED RUSSIA IS THE RICHEST AND THRIFTIEST PARTY
It does not spend party funds on conferences or publicity Major political parties submitted financial reports for 2002 Author: Valery Tsygankov [from WPS Monitoring Agency, www.wps.ru/e_index.html]
WE HAVE OBTAINED COPIES OF THE FINANCIAL STATEMENTS OF UNITED RUSSIA, THE COMMUNIST PARTY, THE LDPR, YABLOKO, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY, AND THE UNION OF RIGHT FORCES FOR 2002 - AND CHECKED THE FIGURES AGAINST REALITY. RUSSIAN ORGANIZATIONS AND COMPANIES DONATED ALMOST 400 MILLION RUBLES TO UNITED RUSSIA IN 2002.
The Taxes and Duties Ministry and Justice Ministry have analyzed financial reports submitted by political parties. No faults were found. We have obtained copies of the financial statements of United Russia, the Communist Party, the LDPR, Yabloko, the People's Party, and the Union of Right Forces for 2002 - and checked the figures against reality.
Naturally enough, United Russia turned out to be the richest. It does not have any "individual" sponsors; all funds were raised by organizations and companies. Russian organizations and companies donated almost 400 million rubles to United Russia in 2002. The People's Party with 115.202 million rubles is second, the Union of Right Forces with 52.793 million is third, and Yabloko with 45.312 million is fourth. All of these parties are mostly sponsored by organizations and companies too. Even Vladimir Zhirinovsky's LDPR is financed by companies, but the LDPR ended up with just over 17 million rubles. As for the Communist Party, it is mostly sponsored by individuals.
Judging by the available accounts, United Russia was the least profligate: they show that it didn't spend a single ruble in 2002 on congresses or conferences. As though its congresses and conferences weren't nationwide events! United Russia's major rival, the Communist Party, spent 108,300 rubles on its own congresses and conferences. Yabloko forums cost twice as much.
Even publicity for its activities did not cost United Russia anything. The party never paid anything for information, commercials, publications, or printing. Even the LDPR admitted in its financial report that publicity consumed the lion's share of the party budget (14,919,600 rubles). Neither did other political parties economize on publicity. On the other hand, the accounts show the interest of United Russia in its own rating and it personnel. The party spent 106.293 million rubles on opinion polls and personnel training at the Russian Academy of Civil Service. At the same time, charity was not United Russia's strong suit. Yabloko donated almost a million rubles to the poor, the People's Party a similar sum, the Communists over 300,000 rubles, and United Russia 51,000 rubles. At the same time, United Russia leaders cost the party budget 140.831 million rubles. Communist bosses cost the party almost 1.5 million rubles. The People's Party spent about 90 million on its leaders. Yabloko leaders did not get a single ruble from the party treasury.
Assets and property of United Russia are estimated at 254.395 million rubles. The party's offices on Banny Pereulok in Moscow account for over half that sum. Communists' assets are worth just over 65 million rubles, including two buildings in Moscow, one in Cherkessk and one in Ufa. Yabloko bought apartments for its activists and functionaries in Elista, Ufa, and Irkutsk (assets and property of the party amount to 12.5 million rubles). The People's Party does not own any real estate, but its assets amount to 9.605 million. Property of the LDPR is worth just over 300,000, judging by the available figures.
The Taxes and Duties Ministry and Justice Ministry must have taken the figures at face value. These structures do not doubt that the meager sums given in financial reports are sufficient for the federal parties when they maintain their popularity and run for the Duma and regional legislatures.
In any case, political structures' accounting is as non- transparent as it was before the law on political parties. Most functions and campaigns are financed from unknown sources and in unknown amounts. Property and assets are registered in the names of the third persons. Lists of sponsors are provided just for the record - meager sums and obscure companies. Mikhail Khodorkovsky's example has not been followed. Major corporations remain secretive about their political preferences. Russia has not yet matured to the point where fund raising is legitimate and open.
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