#3 - JRL 6525
economist.com
October 30, 2002
Now comes the crackdown

Despite anger at his handling of the Moscow siege, and the deaths of innocent people that resulted from it, Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, shows no sign of softening his stance towards the breakaway republic of Chechnya

FAR from negotiating with Chechen rebels, Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, is tightening the screws on representatives of the breakaway republic. On October 30th, he succeeded in persuading the Danish authorities to arrest Akhmed Zakayev, an aide to Aslan Maskhadov, the elected president of the Chechen administration, which is no longer recognised by Moscow. Mr Zakayev was in Copenhagen, the Danish capital, for the World Chechen Congress, a gathering of separatist politicians, academics and other sympathisers. Russia has boycotted the event.

The Russian government accuses Mr Zakayev of helping to plan the siege at a Moscow theatre last week, which has led to the deaths of at least 117 hostages. Most of them were killed by a gas pumped into the building by Russian troops. Mr Zakayev is expected to appear in a Danish court as the first step in proceedings to extradite him to Moscow, where he will be questioned by the Russian authorities. As well as last week’s attack in Moscow, the Russians say Mr Zakayev may have been involved in other terrorist incidents over the past few years. His arrest followed two days of testy exchanges between Moscow and Copenhagen, during which the Russians at one stage accused their Danish counterparts of “showing solidarity with terrorism” by allowing the World Chechen Congress to go ahead.

Whether Mr Zakayev was actively involved in the taking of hostages at the Moscow theatre remains to be seen. But his arrest is a clear sign that peace talks between Moscow and representatives of the breakaway administration in Grozny, the Chechen capital, are impossible in the present climate. Instead of softening his stance, Mr Putin has come out fighting. As well as seeking Mr Zakayev’s extradition, the Russian authorities have cracked down at home, rounding up dozens of alleged separatists and their sympathisers.

Indeed, Mr Maskhadov and his followers risk being marginalised by suspicions that the Chechen regime may not only have approved of the siege, but might also have been partly responsible for it. Even American officials, who continue to stress that a political solution to Chechnya must be sought, now seem to believe that Mr Maskhadov is no longer “an acceptable interlocutor”. Information obtained by the Americans suggests that he may have had links with Shamil Basayev, a rebel implicated in several terrorist attacks.

Meanwhile, doctors continue to treat more than 240 former hostages who remain in hospital, 16 of them in intensive care. The majority are suffering from the effects of a gas used to disarm the 50 or so Chechen hostage-takers, some of whom had explosives strapped to their bodies. Under pressure from foreign governments whose citizens were caught up in the siege, the Russian authorities have finally named the gas used in the attack. It is based on fentanyl, a narcotic used as an anaesthetic. The delay in naming the gas and its indiscriminate use to end the siege has dented Mr Putin’s prestige and caused dismay at home and abroad.

Anger at the death toll blunted a day of national mourning on October 28th. In the circumstances, Mr Putin's vow that Russia would neither deal with terrorists nor give in to blackmail had a hollow ring to it, despite his earlier televised apologies to the Russian people and his decision to strengthen the army's powers to deal with terrorist threats. Despite the deaths of the rebels who took over the theatre, there are worries that other Chechens may try similar raids in future. Indeed, the manner in which the government ended the siege may even encourage others to avenge the deaths of their former colleagues.

This is a prospect that terrifies many Russians. Security in and around Moscow has been stepped up. There have been hostage-takings before, including the capture of some 2,000 people in 1996. But all were in or near Chechnya itself, far from Moscow. True, Chechens were officially blamed for the bombing of two apartment buildings in Moscow, and the deaths of 300 people, in 1999. But no proof was offered.

For Mr Putin, Chechnya has become a personal crusade. In April, he claimed that the military operation in the republic was over, and handed responsibility for the region to the Federal Security Service, successor to the KGB. The reality was different. According to independent observers, the Russians are still losing over 100 men every month in Chechnya. In August, rebels shot down a military helicopter, killing 118 soldiers. Guerrillas have also continued to carry out hit-and-run raids on villages. On October 29th, rebels shot down another helicopter near Grozny, killing its pilot and three other crew and passengers. The incident was another sign, if it were needed, that hostilities inside and outside Chechnya are likely to continue for some time to come.