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#18 - JRL 6524
Arab News (Saudi Arabia)
October 30, 2002
Folly in Moscow, tyranny in Chechnya
By Fawaz Turki
Many charges can be pressed against President Putin, but integrity is not
among them. Yet after he botched a commando raid to knock out Chechen guerrillas
holding hostages in a Moscow theater last weekend, killing 117 of his own people
by pumping a deadly gas into the interior of the building, Russians’ reaction
to the tragic climax was: What a swell fellow this Vladimir Putin is, putting
his hard-line policies on Chechnya where his mouth is.
Forget Lenin at the Finland Station. Forget Trotsky, axed once, if only
figuratively, by Stalin in 1929 and then again, this time literally, by one of
Moscow’s agents in Mexico in 1940. Forget the Gulag, where millions perished.
And forget the atrocities committed, and excused, in the name of socialist
revolution and class solidarity, all the way from the Caucasus to Afghanistan.
Truth be told, it was not communism that defined Russian life. An ideology,
as a strategy of insight, is after all what a people make of it. Rather what
defined Russia as a culture and a polity was the totalitarian streak in the
Russian character, whose origins, predating czarist regimes, are buried in time
and beyond recall.
No need to recapitulate here the heart-stopping details of the 52-hour
hostage crisis or its calamitous outcome. What concerns us is the backdrop
against which the crisis took place: Russian brutalities in Chechnya and Moscow’s
adamant refusal to negotiate with representatives of the Muslim republic’s
national liberation movement who are, as the Washington Post editorialized last
Friday, "fighting a legitimate war against an outside invader."
Instead, Vladimir Putin, noted for his wildly facile public statements, has
deliriously claimed that the Chechen rebellion — a rebellion triggered not
only by the Chechen people’s aspiration for independence but also by a
reaction against Russian savageries going back to czarist times — is the work
of "international terrorism."
Humbug! No manner of duplicity in Putin’s statements could obscure the
difference between America’s war on terrorism and Russia’s war in Chechnya.
The conflict in that sad republic is clear-cut and responsive to a political
solution, should Moscow bring itself to recognize the fact that Chechnya is not
"Russian" and that the Chechen people are not "separatists,"
but a long-suffering nation and community deserving of self-rule.
Above all, Moscow should recognize that its troops, notorious for inflicting
all manner of mayhem on civilians, are an army of occupation that, like all
occupation armies are wont to do, not only provokes resentment and hatred among
the population, but the emergence from its midst of desperate elements prepared
to go to extremes — including the one extreme of besieging a theater with a
full-house attendance, in the heart of the enemy’s capital, in order to
publicize their plight to the outside world.
Taking innocent theatergoers hostage is wrong? No question. Mounting an
operation that clearly will set back the Chechen cause and stiffen the resolve
of the Russian public to stand behind what Putin has called, in a litany of
declarations, "the fight against terrorists"? Without a doubt.
But as the Washington Post editorial concluded, "In the end, it is the
Russian government’s invasion — with its systematic bombardment of
civilians, its human rights violations and its mass executions — that has
created the anarchy in Chechnya." And, one may add, the desperation of the
rebels.
Putin was elected in 2000 on the promise that he would crush the Chechen
uprising in "two weeks," soaring to popularity with a public that saw
this former KGB officer as a decisive commander who would reverse the failure of
his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin, to subdue the people of Chechnya and bring them
to heel. Instead, the war dragged on for two years, despite the Russian
president’s repeated declarations of "victory" by his 80,000
occupation troops, who were never able to control, let alone subdue, the
republic.
During the last three years, since the outset of this most recent rebellion,
4,000 Russian soldiers (unofficial estimates put the figure at 14,000) have
died, and, according to human rights groups, as many as 80,000 Chechens have
been killed, while another 35,000 disappeared. "At the same time,"
reported Peter Baker, the Washington Post correspondent in Moscow, "Putin
has enjoyed public approval ratings as high as 70 percent and there is little
sympathy among the Russian public for the Chechens."
There is, it would appear, a racist dimension to this sentiment as well.
"Chechens and other dark-skinned people from the Caucasus," adds
Baker, "have often suffered mistreatment at the hands of Russians, who are
Slavs."
Political correctness in Russia? Forget it.
We in the Arab world are given to criticizing the US at the drop of a hat.
But America’s brand of John Lockian liberalism, even where it had gone haywire
during the Cold War in Vietnam and elsewhere in the Third World, and even where
it decidedly tilted its policies in favor of Israel, remains a mythology of the
human future, a vision of human possibility rich in moral demand, penetrated by
a sense of the values of intellect and art, and a respect for the fragile
plurality of human nature and conduct.
The authoritarian streak in Russian culture, however, has been historically
impervious to those charities of the compassionate side of human being which are
essential to civilized discourse.
The violence that Russia has inflicted on the little but resilient nation of
Chechnya, going back to 1816 when the czar dispatched the sadistic Gen. Alexei
Yermolov to conquer Chechnya by brute force, and to 1944 when Joseph Stalin
loaded on trains and deported to the Kazakh steppe the entire population of the
country, is unspeakable, unpardonable and unacceptable.
It was folly for Chechen rebels to take Russian civilians hostage in their
capital city. It is tyranny for Russians to continue occupying Chechnya,
murdering its civilians and, by the indiscriminate use of terrifying firepower,
reducing its own capital to a smashed husk.
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