Johnson's Russia List
#6272
25 May 2002
davidjohnson@erols.com
A CDI Project
[Contents:
DJ: I'm tempted to query the JRL recipients about who is paying attention
this holiday weekend to Russia. If you care to let me know.
1. AP: Bush Puts His Trust in Putin.
2. AP: Bush, Putin Vow Cooperation.
3. AP: Bush Protesters Arrested in Russia.
4. White House: Radio Address by the President to the Nation.
5. White House: President Bush, President Putin Discuss Free Market
Economy.
Remarks by President Bush and President Putin to Students at St. Petersburg
University.
6. UPI: Russian nuke dangers studied.
7. White House: Press Briefing by Secretary of State Colin Powell on
President's Trip to Russia.
8. Luba Schwartzman: ORT Review.
9. New book: RUSSIA’S FAR EAST: A REGION AT RISK.]
*******
#1
Bush Puts His Trust in Putin
May 25, 2002
By RON FOURNIER
ST. PETERSBURG, Russia (AP) - Trust me, Mr. President.
That's what President Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin kept
telling each other on the sidelines of their nuclear reduction summit.
Bush and his wife, Laura, had a late-night dinner and spent Friday night at
Putin's residence outside Moscow, a gathering that both leaders said led to
serious talks - and some laughs.
As caviar was being served, Putin told Bush and the U.S. delegation that
the delicacy was cut out of live fish, then the fish were stitched closed
and thrown back into the water.
Recalling the scene a day later, Putin said Bush played along as other
guests laughed. ``I do believe you, Mr. President,'' Putin quoted Bush as
saying.
The Russian president related the story while he and Bush toured the
Hermitage Museum on Saturday.
Putin also learned to trust Bush. After a dinner that lasted until nearly
midnight, Bush said he planned to run in the morning even though he had to
get up early for the trip to St. Petersburg.
Putin said he was skeptical, but Bush got up for an early run.
``I didn't believe him, but he was doing just that,'' Putin said.
In a somber start to their day, Bush and Putin recalled the grim days of
World War II as they visited the Piskarevskoye cemetery, site of the mass
graves of some 600,00 people who died during the 900-day Nazi siege of the
city then called Leningrad.
To the strains of funereal music over loudspeakers on the cool, clear day,
the presidents walked past several grass berms, each stretching more than
100 feet, the resting places of the victims. At the Monument to the
Motherland, Bush and Putin helped lay a wreath of yellow and red roses.
After a moment of silence, the military orchestra played both nations'
anthems.
The memorial, which opened in 1960, commemorates the siege that began in
1941 and was broken by Soviet forces in 1944. Many of the 600,000 died of
starvation as Nazis blockaded the town.
There wasn't enough time for Bush to see more than fraction of the 3
million objects at the Hermitage art museum. But there was time for him to
show off some knowledge of Russian history.
Walking arm-in-arm with first lady and accompanied by the Putins, the
president viewed several Rembrandts.
As they were running out of time, Hermitage director Mikhail Piotrovsky
insisted on showing the Bushes a portrait of Empress Catherine the Great,
Putin recalled later, speaking at the university.
``And Mr. Bush, without missing a beat, said, `Oh and by the way, where's
the portrait of Potemkin?'''
Gregory Potemkin was one of Catherine's lovers.
``When you ask questions,'' Putin told students, ``I ask you to give me the
easy questions and give Mr. Bush the tough questions.''
The Putins and the Bushes got more culture later, attending a gothic
performance of ``The Nutcracker'' ballet at the Mariinskiy Theater, the
same theater where the famous ballet was first performed in 1892 in the
hometown of its composer, Peter Ilyich Tchaikovsky.
The two presidents sat together in a box once reserved for the czars at the
back of the ornate theater. An animated Putin pointed out sights to Mrs.
Bush, who was seated next to him, while Bush engaged Mrs. Putin in
conversation.
Tchaikovsky wrote the ballet specifically to be performed in the theater.
******
#2
Bush, Putin Vow Cooperation
May 25, 2002
By TOM RAUM
ST. PETERSBURG, Russia (AP) - President Bush and Russian President Vladimir
Putin told a national Russian television audience Saturday they hoped the
new relationship between the former rivals would help speed Russia's
economic recovery.
But their comments, in fielding questions from university students and
faculty at St. Petersburg University, also revealed some economic tensions.
Putin blamed some Cold War-era U.S. trade restrictions for making it harder
for Russia to export high-tech goods. And Bush said that, while he supports
Moscow's entry into the World Trade Organization, he opposes bending the
group's stiff standards to make it happen.
``I think the accession to the WTO ought to be based on the rules every
other nation has had to (follow) ... nothing harsher, nothing less harsh,''
Bush said.
Commerce Secretary Don Evans will decide within weeks whether to declare
Russia a ``market economy,'' a designation important for its entry into the
Geneva-based organization that sets and polices world trade rules.
It would represent approval from the United States, the WTO's biggest
member, of Russia's efforts to move from a government-controlled economy to
the free market. Membership itself will depend on Russian negotiations with
individual WTO members over how it will lower trade barriers.
The decision comes at a time of trade tensions between the two countries
over U.S. tariffs on Russian steel and Russian restrictions on U.S. poultry
products.
Still, disagreements were few in the good-natured and often playful
exchanges between the two leaders in Putin's hometown. Bush called Putin
``my friend'' and referred to him as ``Vladimir'' several times. Putin
called him ``George.''
The event, similar to one the two held in Texas last year, was broadcast
live on Russian television. Putin graduated from the school in 1975 when it
was known as Leningrad State.
A day after signing the most sweeping arms-reduction pact in history, the
two leaders heralded an era of new good political and economic will.
``A strong, prosperous and peaceful Russia is good for America,'' Bush said.
Putin praised the treaty and a second pact that outlines a new strategic
relationship between the United States and Russia.
In Bush's recorded weekly radio address Saturday, he praised the summit
accomplishments and Russia's warming relations with the United States and
Europe.
``President Putin and I are putting the old rivalries of our nation firmly
behind us, with a new treaty that reduces our nuclear arsenals to their
lowest levels in decades,'' he said. ``After centuries of isolation and
suspicion, Russia is finding its place in the family of Europe. And that is
truly historic.''
At a news conference, Secretary of State Colin Powell said the two
countries would keep trying to resolve differences over Russia's nuclear
assistance to Iran. The United States is concerned the assistance could
help Iran develop nuclear weapons; Russia insists the technology is being
used for nonmilitary purposes.
``I hope that we will be able to solve this going forward,'' Powell said.
Powell also expressed concerns about Russia's short- and medium-range
nuclear weapons, which were not covered by Friday's agreement. ``We still
have some, they have many more,'' he said.
But he focused on the positive, saying the summit had made the world safer
by cutting nuclear arsenals and strengthening personal ties between U.S.
and Russian leaders.
One sign of the warming relationship was that most students' questions were
on economic issues.
Asked why Russia's biggest exports were basic products like oil and wood
rather than high-tech products, Putin got in a gentle dig at U.S.
restrictions that he said discriminated against Russian products.
``We need nondiscriminatory access to world markets and U.S. markets,'' he
said. ``We don't want preferences ... we don't want special favors.''
Bush reiterated his support for repealing the Jackson-Vanik trade law of
the 1970s that ties Russia's trade status to its progress on Jewish
emigration. The repeal is bogged down in Congress.
Bush praised Russia's flat tax as fairer than taxes in some Western
countries. But he said Russia's export tax worked against its own interests.
One questioner asked Bush what specific steps were needed for Russia to
join the WTO.
``Starting with having a president who thinks you should be in the WTO. And
I think you ought to be,'' Bush said. ``I vote `aye,' assuming that the
Russian government continues to reform their economy ... and make a
market-based economy work.''
WTO membership would make Russia a more predictable place for foreign
investment. But difficult economic changes are needed, and some U.S.
trading partners have voiced concern that Russia not be given exemptions
from those rules.
``George said it very well. The president of Russia has to want to be a
member of the WTO. And he said that he's for it. If that's sufficient, I'm
in,'' Putin said, drawing laughter.
Anti-globalization activists were among a few hundred protesters who
followed Bush on Saturday. Leaders of the protests, which included
Communists and nationalists, were driven away by plainclothes security
personnel. The protests were small compared with those attended by 20,000
demonstrators when Bush visited Berlin on Thursday.
The university forum was the highlight of a day in which the presidents
took in Russian sights and culture.
They laid a wreath of yellow and red roses at the Monument to the
Motherland in Piskarevskoye Cemetery, which contains the mass graves of
some 600,000 victims of the 900-day Nazi siege of Leningrad during World
War II.
Afterward, they toured the Hermitage museum, the largest art museum in
Russia. Walking arm-in-arm with their wives, Bush and Putin climbed the
marble staircase just inside the entrance to see masterpieces by Da Vinci,
Rembrandt and others.
In the evening, the Bushes and the Putins attended a performance of ``The
Nutcracker'' ballet and then went on an evening boat cruise on the Neva River.
Because the city is so far north, there was still some light in the sky as
they ended their cruise near midnight - to a celebratory display of fireworks.
Bush rarely is up so late, but since he and Putin were in such upbeat moods
after what they viewed as a successful summit, he amended his early-to-bed
routine, said White House spokesman Ari Fleischer.
``Since it's still light, we don't count it as midnight,'' Fleischer said.
******
#3
Bush Protesters Arrested in Russia
May 25, 2002
By SARAH KARUSH
ST. PETERSBURG, Russia (AP) - A small but determined group of anti-U.S.
demonstrators followed President Bush around St. Petersburg on Saturday
until its leaders were shoved into a van by plainclothes security personnel
and driven away.
A few hundred Communists, nationalists and anti-globalization activists
protested Bush's visit at rallies in the center of the city. About two
dozen people followed Bush to St. Petersburg State University, where some
of them broke through a police line and were quickly detained.
The small size of the protests contrasted starkly with the situation in
Berlin, where some 20,000 anti-war demonstrators greeted Bush. Anti-U.S.
views are widespread in Russia, and the protests' organizers attributed the
small turnout to a lack of free-speech traditions.
As Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin were addressing students at
St. Petersburg University, police kept the surrounding streets blocked to
both cars and pedestrians. Suddenly, a few shouting nationalists and
leftists ran past the police toward the university. Blowing their whistles,
uniformed and plainclothes police ran after them, as about 20 other
protesters shouted obscenities.
The police dragged protesters, including several who had not attempted to
cross the line, to an unmarked van, which drove away. A man in plain
clothes who identified himself as an anti-organized crime officer said
eight people had been detained. The ITAR-Tass news agency, citing the city
police department, said 30 had been detained.
More than 20 more were detained Saturday evening at a rally outside the
Mariinsky Theater, where Bush, Putin and their wives were watching a
performance of The Nutcracker, said Olga Kozlova, whose husband was among
the detainees. The protesters had been planning to sing revolutionary songs
outside the theater as an alternative to the ballet, Kozlova said.
Earlier, about 200 demonstrators, mostly elderly Communists, lined Nevsky
Prospekt, the city's main thoroughfare. They held banners reading ``U.S.
President George Bush is terrorist No. 1 on Planet Earth'' and ``Bush:
Hands off Russia!''
A younger crowd of activists - including those who later were detained at
the university - rallied against what they called U.S. ambitions of world
domination and against Russia's warm ties with the United States.
``The very ideology of America is anti-Russian,'' said 18-year-old Andrei
Pepotsky, a member of a nationalist party who wore a hammer-and-sickle arm
band.
But many St. Petersburg residents seemed pleased that Bush was visiting.
Thousands of revelers taking part in City Day celebrations this weekend
stopped along a bridge to watch first Putin and then Bush drive across the
Neva River on their way from the Hermitage museum to the university. The
crowd cheered as Bush waved through the tinted window of the car.
******
#4
White House
May 25, 2002
Radio Address by the President to the Nation
PRESIDENT BUSH: Good morning. As you hear this, I am in St. Petersburg,
Russia, in the middle of a seven-day trip to Europe. I've come to Europe to
reaffirm our close ties with important allies, to talk about the next
stages of the war on terror, and open a new chapter in our relationship
with Russia.
In this last century, the conflicts of Europe led to war and suffering for
America. Today, Europe is growing in unity and peace, and that benefits our
country. The nations of the European Union have made strong contributions
to the war on terror. And the volume of our annual trade and investment
relationship is nearly $2 trillion, helping workers, consumers, and
families on both continents.
Germany, which I visited earlier this week, has emerged from a troubled
history to become a force for good. German police and intelligence
officials are helping in the war on terror. In Afghanistan, German troops
have served and died beside our own. Speaking in Berlin, I thanked the
German people for their support and sacrifice, and talked about the
challenges that still lie ahead.
Here in Russia, President Putin and I are putting the old rivalries of our
nation firmly behind us, with a new treaty that reduces our nuclear
arsenals to their lowest levels in decades and, for years, the planning for
war. Russia and the United States are building a friendship based on shared
interests -- fighting terrorism and expanding our trade relationship. After
centuries of isolation and suspicion, Russia is finding its place in the
family of Europe. And that is truly historic.
The partnership of America and Russia will continue to grow, based on the
foundation of freedom and the values -- the democratic values we hold dear.
Free nations are more peaceful nations, and the spread of liberty
strengthens America.
On the rest of my trip I'll travel to Paris, and then to Normandy, France,
for Memorial Day, to honor the soldiers who in 1944 gave their lives so
that America, France and all of Europe could one day live in peace and
freedom. I will visit Rome for a summit that will forge new ties between
the NATO Alliance and Russia. I'll meet with the Holy Father, Pope John
Paul II, whose message of peace and social justice is particularly urgent
at this time.
In two world wars, the New World came to the rescue of the Old, and America
became a European power. Now this continent is closer to being whole, free
and at peace than any time in its history. We must finish this job,
inviting a new Russia to be our full partner. And together, we must face
the challenges of the world beyond Europe and America -- terrorism,
poverty, and evil regimes seeking terrible weapons. Europe and America
share common dangers and common values. We have the opportunity and the
duty to build a world that is safer and better.
Thank you for listening.
*******
#5
White House
May 25, 2002
President Bush, President Putin Discuss Free Market Economy
Remarks by President Bush and President Putin to Students at St. Petersburg
University
St. Petersburg University
St. Petersburg, Russia
3:17 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT PUTIN: Thank you very much for having me here. It's a great
pleasure, as always, to be with young people, but especially here since I
graduated from this university, it's a double pleasure for me to be here.
But this university played a dual role in my career. The first time, when
they basically gave me a present -- they just gave me the degree that I
earned -- that was the one important part. (Laughter.) The second very
important facet in my life was when I worked here for the rector of the
university as an assistant, helping him in the area of international
contacts between and among various universities.
And what I was doing was doing the same thing the rector was just talking
about -- I was setting up the initial contacts between our university and
various other universities around the world. So what we did was we invited
the president of a mid-size college from St. Petersburg, Florida, to come
here and pay us a visit, since they had the same name. So then, what I did
is I talked the former mayor, Mr. Subchek (phonetic) to receive this
president of this college. So he, in turn, invited him to come to the
United States. And this Mr. Carter, who was the head of this college in St.
Pete, arranged a visit with one of the Presidents of the United States at
the time, and I think his name was Bush. (Laughter.) After that, he invited
me to come to work for him, and the rest of my career is history, as they
say. (Laughter.)
Well, to be very, very serious now, it's really a great pleasure to have
business and dealings with students because students are very direct, as
you know. And they also feel the rhythm of civilization as it's changing.
When we were guests of the Bushes in Crawford, Texas, we also were given an
opportunity to meet with young people. I think this will become a very fine
tradition.
PRESIDENT BUSH: That's right.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: And I think Mr. Bush also was waiting for this
opportunity, because he asked me several times about this possibility.
Well, George Bush and I don't know each other for that long; I think it's a
little bit less than two years. But what we're trying to do is establish
the environment which would be very conducive to having people in both of
our countries meet, have opportunities to make contacts and get along better.
I don't want this to sound like a major report here, but I just want to
inform you that we have just signed two major agreements between our two
countries. One of them is having to do with the reduction in strategic arms
of the two countries, and the other one is called an agreement on a new
strategic relationship between the two countries.
As we all know, people are divided into two groups, optimists and
pessimists. And the pessimists will always find something wrong. Optimists,
however, will find in these two documents that we signed a lot of things
that are very useful and beneficial.
But it's wonderful to deal with young people because, by their very nature,
they're optimists and they look into the future. And that's why we're here,
among other things. So today, when we were coming to the conclusion of our
visit to the Hermitage, and we were running late so we were in a hurry, Mr.
Peotrovskiy, who really had very little time, said, "By the way, before we
leave I want to show you a portrait," which was a portrait of our great
Tsaritsa Catherine the Great. And Mr. Bush, without missing a beat, said,
"Oh, and by the way, where is the portrait of Potemkin." (Laughter.)
So when you asked questions, I ask you to give me the easy questions and
give Mr. Bush the tough questions. (Laughter.) And with pleasure, I give
the word to George Bush. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you very much. (Applause.) Madam President, thank you
for your hospitality. Laura and I are honored to be here at this famous
university. I'm particularly pleased to be coming to this university
because it is the alma mater of your President and my friend, Vladimir
Putin. But even more importantly, it is Mrs. Putin's alma mater.
The President was talking about a seminar on international relations. I
guess this is the most sophisticated seminar on international relations
that you could possibly have. So I'll give you a quick insight as to what
it's like to be involved with international relations.
There we were, as guests of the Putins in their private home last night. We
talked about our families, we talked about our passions, we talked about
matters of life that friends would talk about. The best international
relations start when people care about the other person, when they try to
figure out how the other person thinks and what makes the other person's
life go forward.
We've had a lot of negotiations, of course. But the thing that impressed me
the most about the President and his wife was how much they loved their
daughters. That's a universal value. It's an impressive value.
When I got out of college in 1968, America and the Soviet Union were
enemies -- bitter enemies. Today, America and Russia are friends. It's
important for you to know that that era is long gone, as far as I'm
concerned. The treaty we signed says a lot about nuclear arms; it speaks
about the need for peace; but it also says the Cold War is over, and
America and Russia need to be, and will be, friends, for the good of the
world.
And so it's my honor to come. I look forward to answering your questions.
Since Vladimir went here to St. Petersburg, it only seems fair that the
hard ones go to him. (Laughter.) We'll be glad to handle your questions.
(Applause.)
Q From the Sociology Department, and the question is, everyone knows what
the brain drain problem is, and it is an open secret that the traffic of
brain drain is most oriented to the United States. I wonder what the
Presidents of these two countries think about this problem.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: I'll tell you right away, he'll say it's good, I'll say
it's bad. (Laughter.) But if you look at it a little more deeply, I'll get
a little more serious and give you some more detail. There are two methods
for stopping this occurrence. First of all, close the country down once
again, and create such regulatory conditions where people will lose the
right to move freely.
Second is, in a fee economy, to create economic conditions, conditions of
prosperity for all those people so that they wish to stay here and work.
And I think we have to take the second path.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I first of all, there's a lot of brains in this room. And
you get to decide whether there's a brain drain in Russia. I tell Vladimir
all the time I mean, Mr. President all the time -- that Russia's most
precious resource is the brain power of this country. And you've got a lot
of it. It's going to take a lot of brains in Russia to create a drain.
There are plenty of bright and smart people in Russia. Your history says
that. I'm absolutely convinced that the future of this country is
incredibly bright. First, because of the great imagination and intellect of
the Russian people. And second, because you've got a leader who understands
that freedom is going to enhance the future of this country.
You need to know that my view of foreign relations is not only to promote
peace, but it's also to work with our friends, the Russians, so that the
quality of life in both our countries improves.
And so, finally, your question had a little bit of a slightly pessimistic
tone to it. Only slightly. I'm optimistic about Russia. And a strong and
prosperous and peaceful Russia is good for America. (Applause.)
Q -- from the Department of Economics. And I would like to ask this
question: We are involved in high technology exports. And my question, in
fact, is when will the time come when the bulk of the exports from Russia
would be high technology and high technology products, and not the primary
products like oil and wood, as the situation is now?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Good question.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: It's a very professional question. And you, as an
economist, understand very well that this situation did not just happen
yesterday. The world market demands those products that are competitive.
And the things that you mentioned, the high-tech kinds of things that you
mentioned are in great demand in the world marketplace. And it's a
no-brainer to understand that there were the kinds of talent and the kinds
of products in the old Soviet Union that, in fact, had been in demand,
because the best brains were directed precisely in that direction in those
days.
One of these areas, for instance, is missile technology. And our
cooperation with the United States in this area can be measured in the
billions of U.S. dollar equivalents. And during this summit, we dedicated a
substantial portion of our discussion time precisely to this issue, which I
consider very important if we are to remove many of the things that are
obstacles in allowing high-tech to come into Russia. And these obstacles
and limitations were placed upon us back in the days of the Soviet Union,
and by their very inertia continue on and on.
Therefore, many of the products come into Russia from third countries --
from Europe, from Asia, and not from the United States. We think that it's
not good for our bilateral relations with the United States. We have to do
better. And that's why a great amount of time was spent by President Bush
and myself in trying to find ways to remove these obstacles. We also spent
a lot of time thinking about what we, ourselves, have to do internally in
Russia to help get rid of these obstacles.
But since we have the high-level esteemed guest in our midst, let me just
direct our question to our bilateral affairs, and that is what we need
above all for Russia is an absolutely nondiscriminatory access to world
markets and to U.S. markets. And we don't need preferences, we don't need
subsidies, we don't need special favors. We just want normal, simple,
ordinary, fair trade relations.
PRESIDENT BUSH: The role of government is not to create wealth. The role of
government is to create an environment in which the entrepreneur or small
business or dreamer can flourish. And that starts with rule of law, respect
of private property, less regulatory burdens on the entrepreneur, open
banking laws so that all people have access to capital, and good tax policy.
Private ownership in Russia is a little more than 70 percent. That's a
significant change. More and more people are owning small business. That's
incredibly important, because that phenomenon makes sure that the elites
don't control the economy.
There's one piece of good news about Russian taxation, and one that I
learned about yesterday, which Vladimir and I haven't had much time to talk
about, that's troubling. The good news is that the flat tax in Russia is a
good, fair tax -- much more fair, by the way, than many Western countries,
I might add.
I am worried when I heard that some Russian goods -- there is an export tax
on Russian goods. And the trouble with that, of course, is that no matter
how good your goods are, if you price yourself out of the market, no one is
going to buy. So that's a barrier. There's also barriers coming from
Western countries that we've got to eliminate. Export controls on high-tech
goods are problematic, that we're now reviewing in the United States.
And, very briefly, it is very important for the infrastructure to be
modernized as quickly as possible, so that information from around the
world moves quickly, freely throughout Russia, so that an entrepreneur such
as yourself are able to learn from other entrepreneurs being connected
through the Internet, which is going to be a great source of ideas and
potential wealth for Russia.
Okay.
Q -- from the Foreign Affairs Department. And the question is addressed to
President Bush: What is the image of Russia that exists in the United
States set-up, and how this image of Russia influences the image of Russians
PRESIDENT BUSH: Image of Russia in the United States?
Q -- of Russia exists in the American political set-up, and how this image
of the Russians influences the making of decisions in the area of American
foreign politics?
PRESIDENT PUTIN: This guy is very tricky, he's a very tricky young fellow.
(Applause.) Mr. President, he's going to listen to your answer, write a
dissertation and get a degree. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Most Americans, -- by far, the vast majority of Americans
are very pleased by the fact that the United States and Russia is entering
into a new era. We've got a new war to fight together. We're joined to
fight against blood-thirsty killers. These people hate freedom. They hate
multiethnic societies. They can't stand religion. And it's a threat to
America, and this is a threat to Russia, as you all so well know. In this
country you've been hit by terrorist acts like we have been hit by
terrorist acts.
The American people truly appreciate the cooperative spirit of the Russian
government, and truly appreciate the sympathies of the Russian people for
what took place on September the 11th.
It's an interesting question about leadership. Does a leader lead, or does
a leader follow? Does a leader lead opinion, or does a leader try to chase
public opinion? My view is the leader leads. And my administration, along
with Secretary of State Powell and National Security Advisor Rice, are
going to do everything we possibly can do to make relations with Russia
strong and friendly and cooperative and productive for both people.
Good foreign policy -- good foreign policy sets a foundation that is so
firm that it won't crack if one -- one nation or the other gets weak in the
commitment to friendship. And we're laying a strong foundation.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: I have to say that we have political leaders, we have
public leaders, we have journalists. Our journalists and people who are
specialized in the ministry, for instance, of international relations and
foreign affairs, and other specialists in many other departments and
agencies confirm what President Bush has just said.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, ma'am. Sorry.
Q A student of the Management Department, and the question is addressed to
President Putin: Our countries have lived through quite different
relations. While in the second world war we had one type of relations,
relations very close and friendly; and then the Cold War came. And my
question is, as a result of this evolution of relationships, what is the
state of our relationship between these two countries now?
PRESIDENT PUTIN: You're studying management, right? Are there any people
from the History Department? And I think the people from the History
Department will probably support me in saying -- in my saying the following
-- the World War II period and the Cold War period were but two of the most
contrasting and sharpest examples of the evolution of our relations. But we
can talk about a lot of different episodes in our cooperation.
But it really began in the times of the Revolutionary War in the United
States. At that time, the Crown of England appealed to Catherine the Great
and asked for support in quelling the rebellion in the United States, and
the Russian sovereign turned and said, that's not what we're all about, and
declared a military neutrality vis-a-vis the war. And this neutrality
played a significant role in allowing the United States to gain its
independence and gain its foundation.
And today I'm going to present to President George Bush two very
interesting documents, two original documents having to do with the
earliest days of our diplomatic correspondence between our two countries.
The world was changing over time, our relations were changing over time.
Today, for instance, the United States is our number one trading partner
for Russia, both in terms of the number of goods that are traded, and also
in terms of the accumulated investments that we have from the United States
in Russia. The United States is a great and powerful power, and has an
economy that is powerful enough to a great extent to determine world
economics.
For decades, we voluntarily, on our own, created walls and barriers around
ourselves and decided to live alone within these walls. And at a time when
high technology is absolutely mandatory to the beneficial development of
any country, this circumstance today is just unforgivable. And today, in
the realms of national security, international security, economics, trade,
we now are beginning to blend in together with the world economy at large.
You can call our relations today a multi-component kind of a relationship
depending on many, many different aspects. But I want to name the one and
most important aspect. Over the last year and a half or two years, what
we've experienced is a huge growth in confidence and trust manifested
between our two countries. And it is precisely this distinguishing
characteristic which colors our relationship.
If you're sitting next to the First Lady of the United States, I can't say
you can't have a question. (Laughter.)
Q The lady is from the Management Department, and she addresses her
question to both of you gentlemen: To make up a manager, manufacturers are
involved. What were those factors that shaped you as leaders, as managers?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I understand a leader can't do everything. And so,
therefore, a leader must be willing to surround himself, in my case, with
smart, capable, honorable people. A leader must be willing to listen. And
then a leader must be decisive enough to make a decision and stick by it.
In politics, in order to lead, you've got to know what you believe. You
have to stand on principle; you have to believe in certain values. And you
must defend them at all costs. A politician who takes a poll to figure out
what to believe is a politician who is constantly going to be trying to
lead through -- it's like a dog chasing its tail.
And, finally, any leader must -- in order to lead, must understand -- must
have a vision about where you're going. You must set clear goals, and
convince people of those goals and constantly lead toward those goals.
And, finally, you've got to treat people with respect on your team. And by
respecting people, they become -- they become better members of the team
and, therefore, give better advice and work toward the same goal.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: To be successful in any kind of business, in any kind of
enterprise, you have to have two qualities: you have to have a sense of
responsibility and you have to have a sense of love.
Unfortunately, we have to come to an end here. Somebody is going to start
crying back there if they don't get a question.
Q (Asked in Russian.)
PRESIDENT PUTIN: I did the right thing by giving the question to her, she's
asking President Bush instead. (Laughter.)
Q (Asked in Russian.)
PRESIDENT PUTIN: Great question, WTO. (Applause.)
Q The question is for President Bush from -- from the Department of
International Relations. What specific and concrete steps can we expect
from the United States in order to support our accession to the World Trade
Organization?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Starting with having a President who thinks you ought to be
in the WTO and I think you ought to be. And I think the accession to the
WTO ought to be based upon the rules that every other nation has had to
live up to. Nothing harsher, nothing less harsh.
And I've told Vladimir in private and I've told the American people, I'm
for Russia going into the WTO. Just like I asked just like I asked Congress
yesterday once in a press conference in Russia to get rid of Jackson-Vanik.
So, to answer your questions, I vote aye, assuming that the President the
Russian government continues to reform her economy, open it up, make
market-based economy work. And that's exactly what the intentions of this
President -- that's the intention of this President.
PRESIDENT PUTIN: George said it very well. The President of Russia has to
want to be a member of the WTO. And he said that he's for it. (Laughter and
applause.) If that's sufficient, I'm in. (Applause.) But on conditions
acceptable to Russia. (Laughter.)
Dear friends, I want to thank you. I would like to thank you for the warm
and friendly atmosphere in which we were. And it is of great importance for
me personally. Because indeed, I want very much our dear guests to enjoy my
native city. And although, of course, our movements create some hurdles for
the movement of other people in the streets of Moscow, that, as George
pointed out, the people are not very cross with us, since they wave their
hands at us and smile at us. (Laughter.) And today, we had a friendly and
kind atmosphere here, and the questions were in that spirit. And I am
grateful to you for that.
And, as I promised, I would like to hand over to President Bush the copies
of the first diplomatic documents. And these documents actually initiated,
they started the diplomatic letters exchanged between our two countries,
and they date back to 1780. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you all very much. (Applause.)
END 4:09 P.M. (Local)
*******
#6
Russian nuke dangers studied
ST. PETERSBURG, Russia, May 25 (UPI) -- Secretary of State Colin Powell
said Saturday that a working group of top U.S. and Russian officials will
seek to establish how Russia has handled nuclear materials that could be
used by terrorists for a "dirty bomb" as well as other tactical nuclear and
chemical/biological weapons.
In a meeting with reporters here after the signing in Moscow of a major
strategic nuclear arms reduction treaty Friday, Powell said the United
States is moving to learn the security level of Russian stockpiles of short
and medium range nuclear weapons, nuclear material and chemical/biological
warfare materials.
"With respect to fissile material (nuclear material that could be used in
an explosion), I can't tell you how much is unaccounted for, if any." He
said the U.S. wants to have a "broader dialogue" with the Russians to
establish what they produced and how it has been handled.
He said they would seek to get it under "solid accountability, so that the
whole world can be more comfortable with the knowledge that it is under
solid accountability."
Powell said the group has four members including Secretary of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld, Powell and the Russian defense and foreign ministers.
Powell said that the Russians haven't given the United States "all the
intimation on just what type of technology, chemical activities, biological
activities that they've had ongoing over the years."
Powell said Rumsfeld has made a particular point of urging the
administration to pin down how the Russians are handling so-called
"tactical" nuclear weapons, which include short range missiles, artillery
shells and other weapons used by military field forces. In 1991, under
President George H.W Bush, both Russia and the United States agreed to
unilaterally reduce those weapons. The United States destroyed far more of
those weapons than the Russians did, and arms control experts believe that
the Russians have 20,000 of those weapons in warehouses. Russian President
Vladimir Putin has said that this stockpile is totally secure, but western
intelligence sources claim they have no assurance of that.
Powell said the U.S. now wants to know "Have you met the unilateral
commitments you made 10 years ago to get rid of these?"
Following Sept. 11, U.S. officials have become concerned that al Qaida
elements may have obtained either nuclear materials that could produce a
"dirty bomb," which is nuclear material that would exploded by conventional
explosives but would spread radioactivity. There have also been concerns
that terrorists might have obtained two kinds of explosives in the Russian
tactical arsenal: the "suitcase" or "backpack" bombs developed to be
delivered by Russian commandos in wartime.
The Bush administration has feared that a terrorist delivered nuclear
explosion in an urban area would be far more devastating that the losses on
Sept. 11.
*******
#7
White House
May 25, 2002
Press Briefing by Secretary of State Colin Powell on President's Trip to
Russia
The Grand Europa Hotel
St. Petersburg,
Russia
5:00 P.M. (Local)
SECRETARY POWELL: Well, good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. We're coming
to the end of our trip here in Russia, so I thought it might be useful to
take a few moments and summarize the last couple of days and answer any
questions you might have.
The President is very pleased with the trip, as you might well imagine, and
we all are. We think it's been quite successful, as highlighted yesterday
morning by a signing of the two documents -- the Treaty of Moscow, as we
now call it, as well as the political declaration and other statements that
went along with the treaty that the President and President Putin also
signed.
I think I might say a word about the Treaty of Moscow, the strategic
offensive reduction treaty. And let me say a word about the treaty by
taking you back to the 1st of May of last year, when at the National
Defense University, President Bush gave a vision of where he wanted to go
with respect to a strategic framework with Russia; where he wanted to go
with respect to missile defense and with respect to the ABM Treaty and what
we had to do about the ABM Treaty to move into a new future strategic
relationship with Russia.
The President has acted on every one of the elements of that speech at the
National Defense University, in a way that did not cause a disruption in
our relationship -- we moved beyond the ABM Treaty. At the time we did
that, we had also announced our intention to reduce our strategic offensive
arsenal down to 1,700 to 2,200 deployed warheads. And President Putin, when
responding to our notification that we were leaving the treaty, made a
similar statement with respect to the reduction that he would be
undertaking. So, rather than leaving the ABM Treaty and causing an arms
race, did quite the opposite.
And then after a period of intense discussion and negotiation, we came up
with the treaty that was signed yesterday, which moves operationally
deployed warheads down from their levels of roughly 5,000 to 6,000 now,
down to 1,700 to 2,200. We believe, and I think I can speak for the Russian
side, as well, because they said as much -- believe that this is an
historic achievement.
There has been some commentary as to, well, it doesn't deal with the actual
warheads once their in storage, it deals with the warheads on their
launchers. I might point out that all previous arms control treaties were
of the same type -- they didn't deal with the stockpile elimination, they
dealt with either launchers or systems. And so this is consistent with
those previous treaties -- SALT I, SALT II, START I, START II and the INF
treaty.
The important point is that warheads are coming off of launchers. And if
you were interested in reducing the number of warheads in the world on both
sides and destroying these warheads, you start with taking them off a
launcher. And once you have them into your stockpile, then you can make
judgments as to whether you retain some as operational spares, or whether
you use some to modernize systems, or whether you destroy them.
I think both sides have it in their interests to destroy as many as
possible. Both sides are also limited as to how many they can destroy in
any given year because it is a very technical process. We are limited to
how many we can do; so are they, just by the nature of our nuclear
infrastructure.
We are interested in helping the Russians not only to get rid of their
excess stockpile warheads, but also their no longer necessary chemical
weapons stockpiles and whatever other chemical, biological or radiological
stockpiles they may have. And that's why we put close to a billion dollars
a year into these cooperative programs with the Russians, and will continue
to maintain that level of investment. It is also why we are looking at new
creative ways of finding the means by which Russia can accelerate the
elimination of these kinds of stockpiles.
So I think it is an historic treaty which serves the interest of both
nations, both peoples, and makes it a safer world, as we reduce the number
of launchers that are sitting there with warheads on them, and as we then
turn our attention to how do we get rid of those weapons in stockpiles that
are really not necessary, they're excess to anyone else's needs. And over
time, I think you will see that happen. Nothing in this treaty keeps
anybody from destroying warheads that they no longer need which are in
stockpiles.
But the activities of the last two days went beyond just the strategic
treaty and the strategic framework. It went into laying out new ways that
we can cooperate economically, new opportunities for cooperation in energy,
the advocacy of multiple pipelines to bring out oil from this part of the
world to where it is needed, the discussion of accession to the World
Trading Organization on the part of Russia -- the United States supports
this, and we'll be doing everything possible to prepare Russia for
accession into the World Trading Organization. Our continued efforts to
remove the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which is a vestige of the 1970s, and
you've heard the President speak to this. And we are also hopeful that,
within the next couple of weeks, Secretary Evans will be making a
determination on designating Russia whether or not he will designate it as
a market economy. That is in his authority; it's a regulatory action.
We also met yesterday -- the President met with a number of business
leaders, both Russian and American business leaders, to explore what
additional opportunities that exist in Russia for investment. And I think
as you read through the statement, you also saw there was a commitment to
increase the level of our people-to-people exchanges, because as you have
heard President Bush say many, many times, we are anxious to show the
Russian people that we are their friends, and we are going to be their
partners. And I think that this fifth meeting between the two Presidents
builds on the foundation that was established in Slovenia over a year ago.
And the President is quite pleased with everything that has transpired, as
well as the deepening of the personal relationship between President Putin
and President Bush.
And so with those few introductory remarks, let me move on from Russia,
just to say that we're looking forward to discussions with the French
leaders tomorrow, and President Chirac. And then we will also have an
opportunity to meet with Mr. Berlusconi in Rome. And that all leads up to
Tuesday, when we will again be with President Putin and the other leaders
of NATO to sign another historic document. This will be setting up the
NATO-Russia Council, which will have important work to do on areas of
mutual interest.
So it's been a successful trip so far, and we look to another -- look
forward to another several successful days.
Questions. Ron?
Q Yes, sir. The President today urged President Musharraf to keep his
promises and stop the insurgency. And President Putin announced his
conference -- that he's going to have one-on-one sideline meetings, and
also said that the missile tests by Pakistan are not helpful, are
aggravating the situation.
SECRETARY POWELL: Yes.
Q When will -- what is the United States' position on the missile test? Do
you agree that they're aggravating the situation, and will we have any role
in the sideline discussions?
SECRETARY POWELL: Let me start from the beginning, of course. We do expect
President Musharraf to stick with the commitments that he has publicly
made. He began making them very publicly in his January 12th speech, to
stop cross-border activity. That is very destabilizing and is a source of
tension and has contributed to the situation we find ourselves in.
I spoke to President Musharraf twice the day before yesterday, and I spoke
to Foreign Minister Singh of India yesterday, to keep the dialogue going.
I'm pleased that my European Union colleague, Chris Patton, is in the
region now; and Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom,
will be going in early next week; and then Deputy Secretary Armitage is
planning a trip toward the end of next week, the beginning of the following
week. So we're going to stay very actively engaged in trying to find a
solution to this very, very difficult situation.
Anytime you have two armies that close to one another and this level of
tension, there is the likelihood of an outbreak of hostilities; and when
both are nuclear armed, that should cause us all concern. And this is a
time for both sides to reflect on the actions that they taken, reflect on
the current situation, and let the international community help them in
finding a political way to resolve the situation.
The conference -- the conference in Almati that was referenced by President
Putin. I don't think he was so much announcing it as he was acknowledging
what many of you may not have known, that such a conference is scheduled
for early June. And it's a conference that was called by President
Nazarbayev some time ago. It's not a conference that's suddenly being
called. And a number of regional leaders are coming to the conference. And
two of the regional leaders who have been invited are President Musharraf
and Prime Minister Vajpayee.
I don't know if they are going. As President Putin indicated, they have
been invited. But should they attend, that would open up opportunities for
political dialogue, not necessarily with each other, but with other leaders
who will be there. President Putin will be attending that conference. We
won't be at that conference, because it is a regional grouping that we are
not a part of.
With respect to the missile tests by the Pakistanis, as we said at the
Department yesterday, we are disappointed. The tests were announced
publicly and the Pakistanis did notify the Indians that they were routine
tests, and the Indians received them in that manner, and described them in
a way they chose to describe them. I'll let them describe it. But I don't
think it was a particularly useful thing to do right now, even though I
don't think it causes us to get any closer to a conflict. But I don't think
it was a terribly useful thing to do right now. And, as the Department
noted yesterday, we were disappointed that the Pakistanis took this time to
perform routine tests which, if they were routine, could have been
performed at some other time.
Q Why do you think President Musharraf has been unable to follow through on
his pledge, his January 12th pledge?
SECRETARY POWELL: Well, I can't speak for President Musharraf. I do know
that we have spoken to him on a number of occasions and he has assured us
that he is taking action. But we do not believe that that action is yet
complete or has totally satisfied the statement that he made earlier, that
all activity would be stopped. So we will continue to encourage him to do
it in such a way and to give instructions and orders in such a way that
there can be no mistaking his intention and his actual actions, and that
his deeds and the deeds of the Pakistani forces will match the words of
their President.
Q Mr. Secretary, what do you expect on your visit to France --
SECRETARY POWELL: I beg your pardon?
Q What do you expect, Mr. Secretary, from your visit in France tomorrow,
and after tomorrow, with President Chirac and in Normandy?
SECRETARY POWELL: Well, Normandy -- let me start with Normandy. Normandy
will be an opportunity to remember the brave soldiers who lost their lives
in that invasion in 1944, on the 6th of June. And it's always a moving
ceremony for Americans, and for the French, as well. And it will give us an
opportunity to reflect on the strength of our relationship with France and
with the French people. We have been through many things together over the
last 220-odd years. And we shared an experience in World War II, which will
be commemorated on the Normandy beaches once again.
And it also gives an opportunity for President Bush to exchange views with
Mr. Chirac on a number of issues. And I think they'll be discussing the
Middle East. I'm sure they'll be discussing the future of NATO and other
issues of interest to Europe and to the bilateral relationship between our
two sides.
There are very few outstanding issues between France and the United States
bilaterally. There are occasional disagreements and areas of discussion in
multilateral or regional forum. And I've already had the opportunity to
meet with my new French colleague once, and I look forward to seeing him
again on -- tomorrow.
Q Sir, building up on this, will the new Russian role in NATO be close to
what the French role used to be? And in general, how will the new
Russia-NATO Council help define the future evolution of the alliance?
SECRETARY POWELL: I don't think it can compare to the French role, because
France was always a member of the political alliance -- if not always --
not part of the integrated military component of that alliance. Russia's
role with NATO is new and unique, and that's why it is being given this
prominence. And the fact that all of the leaders elected to come together
in Rome on Tuesday to sign this gives it added impetus -- emphasis -- added
emphasis.
The test of it all, though, is what will we do in this NATO-Russia Council?
And several areas of cooperation have already been spelled out in rather
specific terms: To look at threat assessments in the area of terrorism; to
examine how we can do search and rescue activities together; what kind of
air control plans we might look at that could be integrated with respect to
control of air space. And there were several other areas. And I look
forward to exploring with my Russian colleagues and my other NATO
colleagues other areas where it makes sense for us to operate "at-20," all
the way from North America, across Western Europe, old Eastern Europe and
into Russia.
And so this new arrangement as opposed to, say, the arrangement that
existed since 1997, I think will have greater specificity to it and more
energy in it. And we look forward this fall to showing the results of our
initial efforts.
Q What do you expect from the Ukrainian effort to join NATO?
SECRETARY POWELL: Ukraine has recently expressed an interest in joining
NATO at some point in the future. And, of course, we are anxious to hear
more about Ukraine's efforts to prepare themselves. I think they're --
we're quite a distance away from starting Ukraine on the formal process
toward membership.
Q If we can get back to India and Pakistan for a moment. In January there
were tensions, of course. In hindsight, many people believe the two
countries came very close to war, that it was a very critical moment. Is it
your assessment that we're at that level of tension and danger now? Can you
put it in some sort of comparative context for us?
SECRETARY POWELL: I don't know that I could give you a direct comparison. I
can tell yo that I'm as concerned now as I was then. And we devoted a lot
of time and energy to it then, and we're doing it now. We have been trying
to find a way to bridge the differences between the two sides. There was an
idea to exchange lists of individuals -- that didn't quite work out.
The key thing that we're looking for now is to shut down the action across
the Line of Control, and hopefully that will give us a basis for seeing
de-escalation on the part of the Indians. And from that point on -- if we
can get to that point, that first set of steps, then I think there will be
opportunities for many other things to happen after that. And we are poised
diplomatically to encourage other steps beyond that. But that is the first
step that we have to reach, or else it gets -- it's difficult to go beyond,
of course.
Q Secretary Powell, on yesterday's meetings with President Putin, can you
be a little more specific about what kind of commitments he made in
relation to the exports to Iran? And also what your assessment is, now that
you've had a chance to talk with him, about how much loose nuclear material
remains unsecured in Russia, the degree to which that is an existing
concern. We know you set up a commission, so there has to be some concern.
But we don't really have a quantitative sense of what you think is out there.
SECRETARY POWELL: With respect to Iran, I would answer the question this
way. Both nations are agreed that we don't want to contribute to
proliferation of nuclear weapons technology, and that includes nuclear
weapons technology to Iran. Both nations are committed to the proposition
that this would not be a good thing for any one of them to be involved in.
There is a disagreement between we and the Russians about the nature of
some of their activities. It's a disagreement that's gone on for some time.
We believe that some of the activities they are participating in can be
seen as helping Iran in the direction of proliferation. They disagree with
our assessment. They say that they are as sensitive to this issue as we
are, they are closer to Iran than we are and, therefore, that's why they
are more sensitive, and that their activities do not assist Iran in that
direction.
We disagree with that, and the groups that have been set up, plus our
continuing bilateral dialogue that's been going on for quite a while will
continue to explore this. There are some areas that I look forward to
taking up with Foreign Minister Ivanov to see if he can assure me, or I can
convince him who has the right side of this argument. The good news is that
we've had candid discussions about this, and I hope we'll be able to solve
this going forward, just as we have solved some of the other difficult
issues that we have faced over the past year.
With respect to fissile material, I can't tell you how much is unaccounted
for, if any. I just don't have that data. That's why we're working with
them, and we're investing in our comprehensive threat reduction efforts.
And we want to have a broader dialogue with them, to get a better
understanding of what they have done over the years, what they have
produced over the years, how can we be more effective in capturing that
material, recycling it to be used as fuel, or for other purposes, or
getting it under solid accountability, so that the whole world can be more
comfortable with the knowledge that it is under solid accountability.
Q Have they been reluctant to give you that data?
SECRETARY POWELL: We have not gotten all the intimation on not just that
type of technology, but other technology -- chemical activities, biological
activities that they've had ongoing over the years. And the group that has
been set up consisting of the four ministers -- the two Ivanovs, Rumsfeld
and Powell, these are some of the areas we'll be exploring with them.
Q Secretary Powell, from what we've seen on this trip so far, the reception
has been much warmer than in a traditional -- here in Russia versus in
Europe. Can you talk a little bit about the differences in the public
perception that we see in the two places, and also if there's any --
SECRETARY POWELL: Much warmer in Russia than in Western Europe?
Q Well, on the streets. I don't know, you're in a bubble, but certainly --
(laughter.)
SECRETARY POWELL: My bubble isn't as big as the President's bubble.
(Laughter.)
Q -- any color, any anecdotes from the meetings that we haven't been privy
to?
SECRETARY POWELL: There is -- with respect to the two Presidents,
obviously, you can see it. I don't need to give you too much tick-tock.
There is a great deal of respect and personal affection. And it now
includes the family members. All family members have now met one another.
And a very moving evening last night at President Putin's home, we were all
privileged -- some of us were privileged to be a part of.
So I think the respect between the two leaders, the understanding of each
other's position, the understanding of the needs of each other, give us a
more solid foundation upon which to build and to move forward. And
President Bush spoke to that earlier.
With each one of these meetings, and with the meetings that I have with
Igor Ivanov or Don has with Sergei Ivanov, or Condi has with her
counterparts, we get to understand their positions better, they get to
understand where we're coming from better. We get the better understanding
that they have a public opinion, just as we have a public opinion. They
have news media and a Duma that's on them, just as we have a news media
that is never on us, but a Congress that occasionally is. (Laughter.)
And so mutual understanding is increased. And my experience in this work
for many, many years is that when you have that level of respect,
understanding and friendship, you can get a lot of things done that you
can't get done, unless you have built those relationships and put them in
place.
We have those same relationships with our friends in Europe. You saw it
with Chancellor Schroeder the other day; you will see it, I'm quite sure,
with President Chirac; and I know you'll see it, for sure, with Mr.
Berlusconi -- Prime Minister Berlusconi -- and with the other NATO leaders.
But does that mean that there is no opportunity for disagreement or no
opportunity for protest of certain policies of the United States
government? Of course there will be protest; of course there will be
demonstrations. As President Bush said, that's what makes them democracies.
And that's why we treasure democracy as a form of government.
But I must say we're pleased by the reception that the President and all of
us received in Moscow and, especially here in St. Petersburg, where it also
coincided with the birthday of the city, which made it an even warmer
atmosphere with a gorgeous day in an absolutely beautiful city.
Enough? One more.
Q Mr. Secretary, can you tell us in the context of the nonproliferation
efforts, give us your assessment of how concerned you are with level of
danger presented by the tactical nuclear weapons that remain in Russia?
SECRETARY POWELL: Yes. This is an area we will have to pursue in the
future. Secretary Rumsfeld makes a particular point of it every time we're
together. This agreement yesterday dealt with strategic weapons, but both
sides have tactical nuclear weapons. We have much fewer than they do. We
made a more deliberate effort to get rid of them back in 1991 when,
frankly, I was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and we did it. And
they have a larger inventory.
They are short- and medium-range weapons that don't present the same kind
of threat to us as the strategic systems do. But nevertheless, they're
nuclear weapons. And we believe that, as we move forward, we should discuss
these weapons, discuss inventory levels. Have you met the unilateral
commitments you made 10 years ago to get rid of these? Because at that
time, President Gorbachev, I think it was, made the same commitment that
President Bush 41 did to get rid of these kinds of systems or bring them
down to a much, much lower level. We still have a few or some -- we still
have some. They have many more.
And so we do want to explore with them theater nuclear weapons, as to how
we can get a better handle on this kind of weapons system, and we'll be
discussing that with them as we move forward.
Q Can I just follow up quickly? President Putin mentioned earlier today
that there had been quite a bit of discussion about cooperation on missile
technology. Is there any discussion related to ballistic missile defense
systems and cooperation with Russia's technology?
SECRETARY POWELL: Yes. And if you'll look in the joint statements we put
out, you'll see a reference to our willingness to discuss with the Russians
cooperative efforts in missile defense. They have technology, we have
technology. We have ideas, they have ideas. So we're looking forward to
pursuing that, as has been U.S. policy for many years, ever since President
Reagan first put it out there, a different kind of missile defense, when he
was talking about the Strategic Defense Initiative. But we've always been
willing to make this defensive technology available to others and cooperate
with others, within reasons of -- within reason and with respect to certain
classification issues, of course.
But, for the most part, try to be as forthcoming as we can with our plans,
with what we're planning to do. Share it with the Russians, tell them, show
them, so they don't see it as a threat to them, but they do see missile
defense as something they may want to be involved in as a way of protecting
them from the kinds of threats that will come from these irresponsible
states that keep moving in this direction. And that's what our missile
defense programs are all about.
Thank you.
Q Mr. Secretary, can you talk about Russia's role as an ally in the war
against terrorism, and how that has changed the dynamic of the relationship?
SECRETARY POWELL: Well, after 9/11, President Putin gave a very powerful
statement that aligned Russia fully with the campaign against terrorism.
And he has acted on his -- the commitments he made that day. And they have
become a strong partner in the campaign against terrorism. They have
supported our efforts in Afghanistan, as the President noted yesterday.
They have been very forthcoming in a number of other areas.
And we have been operating in Central Asia in close coordination and
cooperation with the Russians in a way that would have been unthinkable
just a year, year and a half ago. And so we are very pleased with the
support we have gotten and we also want to operate in Central Asia in a way
that is mindful of their interest in the region,
as well.
Thank you.
END 5:25 P.M. (Local)
*******
#8
ORT Review
www.ortv.ru
Compiled by Luba Schwartzman (luba7@bu.edu)
Research fellow at the Institute for the Study of Conflict, Ideology and
Policy at Boston University
HEADLINES,
Friday, May 24, 2002
- US President George W. Bush met with representatives of the Russian
political, cultural and religious elite at the US Embassy.
- The main event of the day was the signing of the Agreement on the
reduction of strategic offensive potential and the Declarations on the new
strategic relations between Russia and the United States.
- The presidents also signed a number of joint declarations, including:
On the Middle East, On the new Russian-American energy dialogue, On
cooperation in the fight against terrorism, and On contacts between
Russian and American citizen.
- Representatives of Russian and American business circles held a
roundtable discussion in Moscow.
- Russian First Lady Ludmila Putin and American First Lady Laura Bush
visited the Tretyakov National Art Gallery.
- For dinner, the Russian and American presidents and first ladies
traveled to President Putin's suburban residence in Novo-Ogarevo. They
spoke without translators as they walked along the grounds before the
meal. A number of state officials from both sides were present at the
dinner: Russian Administration head Aleksandr Voloshin, Foreign Minister
Igor Ivanov, Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov, and Trade and Economic
Development Minister German Gref, as well as US Secretary of State Colin
Powell, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of Trade
Donald Evans, and White House Chief of Staff Andy Card.
- Acting American presidents have visited Russia 11 times since 1959.
Former president Bill Clinton was the most frequent visitor, coming to
Russia 5 times in eight years.
- The first Russian-Ukrainian Forum of Women-Entrepreneurs opened in
Moscow.
- Russian Interior Minister Boris Gryzlov chaired a meeting of the joint
collegium of the interior ministers of Russia and Belarus. The fight
against narcotics and maintaining peace in the border areas was at the top
of the agenda.
- President Putin signed 10 clemency orders today.
- Russian Border Troops General Vitaly Gamov's condition has deteriorated.
- A group of Russian border troops officers was taken hostage as they
attempted to inspect a fishing trawler. The vessel was later stopped.
- Cyrillic Day is celebrated in Russia today. The holiday is also of
utmost importance in Bulgaria.
- In Khabarovsk, Russian Emergencies Minister Sergei Shoigu chaired a
meeting on measures against the recent forest fires.
- The Russian all-star soccer team has left for the World Championship in
Japan.
- Final preparations are taking place in Estonia for the Eurovision song
competition. The Saku Suurhall stadium, built especially for the event
will hold about 10,000 people.
*******
#9
Date: Fri, 24 May 2002
From: Jonathan Carver
Subject: new publication on Russian Far East
The National Bureau of Asian Research and University of Washington Press
are pleased to announce the publication of RUSSIA’S FAR EAST: A REGION AT
RISK (May 2002, ISBN 0-295-98210-1), edited by Judith Thornton, professor
of economics at the University of Washington, and Charles E. Ziegler,
professor and chair of political science at the University of Louisville.
RUSSIA’S FAR EAST examines the implications of the economic and political
transition in the Russian Far East on domestic stability in Russia and the
complex security environment in Northeast Asia. The volume comprehensively
assesses the relationships among: (1) the economic collapse of the region;
(2) the post-Cold War role of Asia in Russia’s security policy; (3) trends
in Russia’s center-regional relations that impact tax collection, resource
extraction, and the military; (4) Russia’s ability to manage potential
areas of conflict like the maintenance of the nuclear fleet, nuclear
dumping in the Sea of Japan, and migration from China; and (5) the shifting
balance of power in Asia.
An interdisciplinary team of specialists from the United States, Russia,
China, Japan, and Korea discuss the historical, political, and economic
contexts, as well as the strategic implications, of these developments.
The contributors address the vital questions of how to achieve a stable
political order in the Russian Far East, how to develop economic growth in
the region, and how to promote efforts to link Russia and the Asia-Pacific
powers into a cooperative framework of diplomatic relations.
To order the volume, please contact the University of Washington
Press at http://www.washington.edu/uwpress/ordering.info.html or by phone
at 1-800-441-4115. The book is only available in paperback and sells for $30.
Contributors:
Judith Thornton, University of Washington
Charles Ziegler, University of Louisville
Mikhail Alexseev, San Diego State University
Tony Allison, Marine Resources Company International
Katherine Burns, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Sergei Chugrov, Institute of World Economy and International Relations
Jennifer Duncan and Michelle Reutchle, Rural Development Institute
Ha Yong-Chool, Seoul National University
Seung-Ho Joo, University of Minnesota-Morris
Rajan Menon, Lehigh University
Nadezhda Mikheeva, Economic Research Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
Pavel Minakir, Economic Research Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
James Clay Moltz, Monterey Institute of International Studies
Ni Xiaoquan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Kunio Okada, Japan Association for Trade with Russia and Central-European
Russia (ROTOBO)
Sergey Sevastyanov, Vladivostok State University of Economics
Alexander S. Sheingauz, Victor D. Kalashnikov, Natalia V. Lomakina, and
Grigoriy I. Suknomirov, Economic Research Institute, Russian Academy of
Sciences
Elizabeth Wishnick, Independent Scholar
******
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