Johnson's Russia List #6235 11 May 2002 davidjohnson@erols.com A CDI Project www.cdi.org ******** Brookings Press Briefing Preview of President Bush's Trip to Russia: Assessing Current Relations Between Moscow and Washington May 9, 2002 Washington, D.C. THIS IS AN UNCORRECTED TRANSCRIPT MR. JAMES B. STEINBERG: Good morning ladies and gentlemen, welcome to Brookings. The President is meeting with Putin again and once again we're here to talk about what this means for U.S.-Russian relations in the broader context, both on the war on terrorism and some of the big issues in European security. We have with us this morning three very distinguished Brookings scholars each of whom have focused on a different aspect of the issues that are going to be at stake in the summit. We're going to begin with Cliff Gaddy who is going to talk about the context of what Putin will be thinking about, what environment President Bush will find President Putin coming from as he comes into the summit. Then Fiona Hill will turn more broadly to the overall themes for the summit. Finally, Jim Lindsay will talk about some of the security issues, particularly the nuclear weapons issues that have been such an important part of discussions over the last several months. So let me begin with Cliff. MR. CLIFFORD G. GADDY: Thank you very much, Jim. I'd also welcome all of you here. Let me say from the beginning, I'm just going to make a few brief remarks but I really want to make a quite simple point. I want to ask what is going to be on the mind of this man, Mr. Putin, that President Bush is going to be meeting with in a couple of weeks? Judging by Putin's major speech three weeks ago today, the state of the union speech, it's not going to be relations with the United States. Judging by that speech it's not going to be foreign policy at all. I think it's a mistake, however, to judge the state of his mind by what he happened to say in that speech and Fiona Hill is going to I think make the point that foreign policy is indeed one of Mr. Putin's preoccupations but that in fact he can't really talk open so much about foreign policy to certain audiences in Russia. Partly, I guess, because he's convinced that's one area that he can handle on his own, handle as well as anyone else in Russia. There is, however, another major preoccupation that Mr. Putin has, the economy. I'm quite sure that he feels he cannot handle this problem as well as other people can and is not sure if anyone can. That's what's worrying him. So I'd like to say just a few words, give you a sense of what I perceive some of his thinking to be about the economy and then try to lead into how that might possibly impact the way he will be talking to President Bush. If we look back over just no longer than the last couple of months, and some of Mr. Putin's appearances, some of his activities, I think you can get a sense of what I'm talking about when I say he is preoccupied with the economy. March the 4th he held his weekly Cabinet meeting. After having made a few introductory remarks about some of the other issues that he was involved in he told his Cabinet, "We need a rigorous analysis of what's happening in our economy, what's happening in individual branches of industry. Look, we all know the statistics," he said, "but I want the government to find out what's happening in specific industries and tell us what we need to do to fix what's going on." Now what was he talking about there? And I ask that question because my sense is that the general perception is the Russian economy is doing quite well. In fact, however, there are some critical signs in the Russian economy. In the year 2001, the past year, profits declined fairly dramatically throughout the Russian economy. More serious, I think, from the standpoint of Mr. Putin and what he's indicating in these remarks, were actual declines in output. Less output being produced this year than last year and before, in specific sectors and also in specific regions. Mr. Putin pointed out that aggregate statistics do not mean very much in Russia today, and I think they're meaning increasingly less as the country polarizes and fragments with different levels of performance. But just to give you a sense of what he already knew at that point was that the figures for the first quarter of 2002 showed that in 30 of Russia's 80 regions industrial output was declining, not growing, as compared to the first quarter of 2002, and that these included arguably a list of the very most important major industrial regions in the country centered in the Urals and the Volga region. A couple of weeks later Mr. Putin made a very unexpected trip domestically to the region of Krasnoyarsk in Siberia and to the town or city of Norilsk [ph], the site of a gigantic metallurgical combine there. Krasnoyarsk is one of Russia's most prosperous regions because of the metallurgical industry and their export revenues. It previously had been regarded as one of the success stories, one of the ten so-called donor regions to the federal budget, that is a region that provides more than to the center than it receives back. Mr. Putin comes up there, as I said, unexpectedly, holds a meeting and announces that I'm glad to be here, Governor Lebid [ph], the late Governor Lebid who after that died in a helicopter crash, had a longstanding invitation from Governor Lebid to come up there, but frankly, I did not ever seen any reason to come. You're doing fine. He said this morning I was shown around the region, I was shown around the city. They showed me all your hospitals and clinics and schools. It looks great. He makes a few perfunctory positive comments about this, and then he says literally. Okay, that's the end of the diplomatic part. Now let's get down to business, and he says you're not doing well at all, you're screwing up. Loss makers are growing in the number of companies that are losing money rather than making profits, your socioeconomic indicators are worse than average, you have a budget deficit, your wage arrears are growing. You cannot even pay your government employees and the federal government had to send money up here to pay them. And he said very specifically, if we cannot make it work here in one of our most prosperous regions, how is it going to work anywhere else in the country? So a second major sign, a public signal that things were not going well, that he perceived that they were not going well. Then began the rather ugly episode with his Cabinet and the state of the union message. Beginning in April at again another Cabinet meeting, Mr. Putin began haranguing his government for failing to come up with high projected growth rates. I need to give a state of the union speech, he says. I need to be able to promise some high growth rates. I've asked you to come up with projections for high growth rates, you don't do it. I'm not going to give the speech until you do. He has in effect said, and in effect that's exactly what he did. He delayed way beyond the originally scheduled time of delivering the state of the union message. In the end they never gave him higher growth rates. One of the ironies of Putin is that he has around him some very very competent economic advisors, a whole new generation of economic advisors. They're very good at running the economy but they're much too honest to come up with figures they know cannot be justified. The background for this is that Mr. Putin, if you recall in his so-called millennium message, the internet message he sent to the Russian people right before he officially became President New Year's 2000 made a rather curious projection and promise that Russia would see 15 years of 8-10 percent GDP growth per year and that would bring Russia up to the level of the least developed of the Western European countries. I kind of thought that must be a slip of the tongue, he might be wanting to forget that he ever said that after awhile. Nobody can achieve that sort of growth for that long of a period. But apparently he has not forgotten it and he's getting worried. He's seen a couple of years go by. One year did have high growth as a result of inheriting a situation in which there had been big declines after the August 1998 financial crisis, but since then growth has slowed noticeably. I know all of you won't be able to see this, but in fact Mr. Putin inherited a booming economy. Ever since he has come into power it has slowed down. For those of you who can see it the idea is that when he comes in industrial growth per month is at a rate of 25-30 percent per month. It has subsequently declined to its current rate of about 2 or 3 percent and fairly steadily, with little bumps along the way. He comes in maybe assuming that this is going to continue, maybe assuming that this is the norm. He has gradually come to the realization that this is not the case, and my sense is that he doesn't quite know what to do about it. Finally, his state of the union speech. You read it and you can only think of this guy is like a coach giving a half time pep talk, a team that is way behind, and he is pretty desperate. He introduces the speech by saying, "Understand the world outside us today. It's a struggle," and he loves to use this word struggle, badaba [ph], which happens to be the same word in Russian for a wrestling match. Mr. Putin of course is a judo expert. He is a sportsman. He is a competitor. And he talks in this language. He says, "In the struggle, that struggle out there, Russia has to be strong, we have to be competitive. Countries these days are competing in all areas. When we were weak we had to relinquish a number of niches, a number of areas to other countries. They're not just going to give them back to us, they're not going to hand them back to us. The conclusion is straight forward. In today's world nobody is trying to be our enemy, but nobody is out there waiting for us with open arms. Nobody is going to give us any special breaks. We're going to have to fight for our place under the economic sun on our own." And that's when he said that we need more ambitious goals. If we're going to compete we need faster growth rates. He said, "Is Russia ready for this competitive struggle? Is Russia capable of reaching the growth rates that I've just described that we need? Our government doesn't seem to think so. They underestimate our potential. They aren't even trying." He says this in the state of the union speech about his own Cabinet. Just short of branding them as traitors, it seems to me. He himself went on to propose a number of reforms. Very pedestrian, very ordinary administrative reforms, legal reforms, local government reforms, small business reforms, housing reforms, ignoring relatively some of the really major challenges that Russia has -- demography, health, military reform, and so forth. And finally at this past Monday's Cabinet meeting he addressed them again and he said, "Well, one month has gone by and I still don't see any new figures." So this is Mr. Putin right now. And in a sense, this is his dilemma, as I said. He has around him some very competent people helping him deal with the economy. They are very intelligent people. They are so intelligent that they simply cannot allow themselves, at least as yet, to play this game of coming up with unrealistic figures and unrealistic programs. Does this mean the crisis for Mr. Putin, despite the overwhelming preoccupation that it represents in terms of his own energy and time, is it a crisis? Is it something that would threaten his position? I don't think so. Is it dangerous? Yes, I think it could be, but not because of the objective situation of the economy but rather because of his reaction. As I said, I don't think Putin really knows how to deal with this slow-down. I think he believed that it wasn't going to happen. He has also invested a lot of personal prestige, a lot of personal interest in economic performance, in the competition sense, in the idea that this is a way we measure success and we measures success of countries and economies. His immediate reaction, because this is the kind of person he is, is to fix it. He wants big action, he wants quick action. But as I said, he has a government that is unfortunately, from his standpoint, too competent and knowledgeable to do that. He wants magic bullets, they know they have known. And psychologically I think right now he's in a position of on the one hand spending a great deal of effort in trying to cope and trying to manage this enormous country with all its problems -- social, economic and political -- on the one hand, and on the other hand hoping for, looking for magic bullets. Magic bullets that would provide a solution for him which is stability and growth together. It's very important because he knows that he cannot afford to undertake disruptive, major economic reforms, what he himself has referred to as radical experiments. That has not been his mandate, it was not his mandate from the beginning. His primary mandate is to maintain cohesion in the country, stability in the country, and of course that is the reason that he looked upon foreign policy in the way that he does. In short I think Putin is a man with many many concerns. He has many preoccupations. They begin with his own domestic situation, the looming problems in the economy, some further challenges out there on the horizon, and at the same time of course, he has the challenges that face him in terms of the foreign policy environment within which he has to operate and deal with these domestic problems. MR. STEINBERG: Cliff, it sounds to me like Putin has learned a quintessential American political lesson which is always run as an outsider even if you're a total and complete insider. [Laughter] Fiona? MS. FIONA HILL: Thanks, Jim. I'm going to make four quick points. First of all I just want to make some general comments about the summit, then as Cliff suggested I'm going to talk very briefly about foreign policy from Mr. Putin's perspective. I'll then make two short comments, one on the war on terrorism and then also on Central Asia and some of the things that are coming up for Russia and the United States in that area, of course that being linked to the campaign in Afghanistan. So first of all on the summit, the most important point to make here is that the summit has provided a framework and a clear timetable for making decisions about some of the key issues in the U.S.-Russian bilateral relationship. And so as a result of the last several months we've seen a great deal of bilateral consultation and high level meetings which I think have actually put U.S.-Russian relations on a fairly positive trajectory. And in the remaining two weeks before the summit we have an agreement underway between the U.S. and Russia on reductions in strategic nuclear arms which Jim is going to talk about. That's of course eventually going to have to be ratified by Congress and the Duma. And we've got also a political agreement on a new strategic framework for bilateral economic and political relations that's also going to cover joint activity in the war on terrorism, cooperation perhaps on missile defense developments, and some joint activity on non-proliferation. The important point to make here is that on both sides neither of these agreements are really seen as huge breakthroughs. They're seen more as mechanisms to consolidate the progress that has been made so far and that's very much the tenor of commentary in Moscow on these two agreements. And even if these agreements are signed in Moscow, we're going to have to have still quite a lot of activity to push things forward after the summit. There's a great deal of reluctance in the Russian military to make major cuts on the nuclear arsenal, even if an agreement is signed on this, and there's still quite a lot of trust in Moscow in the U.S. and its ability to follow through on commitments, or at least its willingness to follow through on commitments. On the economic side, as we know Russia still wants to see the lifting of the 1974 Jackson-Vanick restrictions on its trade. It wants to see the recognition of Russia as a market economy which will pave the way for eventual acceptance to the WTO. And in spite of the considerable amount of pressure from the Bush Administration and the U.S. business community right now, we still have to push these agreements or these waivers through Congress. We've also got NATO expansion. In the next week we've got the summit in Rechyavek [ph] with the U.S.-Russian-NATO council meeting. And all of these are old issues that we've had looming over us in the U.S.-Russian relationship for the past decade now. So we still have quite a long way to go in simply clearing up the debate with hardened U.S.-Russian bilateral relations for the past ten years. The most important current question is how much the U.S. and Russia can continue to cooperate in the war on terrorism and in the campaign in Afghanistan, and I imagine that that's going to be a major discussion also in Moscow at the summit. Now on the foreign policy aspect of things, Cliff and I have a new policy brief which I'm just going to plug very briefly which is out there, and if you haven't picked it up please do on the way out. What we're arguing in this policy brief is that the main thrust of Russian foreign policy right now under President Putin is to ensure international stability. And a critical component of this is a predictable, stable relationship with the United States in which Russia is consulted on all of the issues that directly affect its national interests. International stability is a critical element for Putin and the Russian government to enable him to tackle this overwhelming array of domestic challenge, especially economic challenges that Cliff has just outlined and that we also talk about in the policy brief. And obviously Putin is going to have to tackle these if he's going to make Russia an economically competitive and viable state. Now in [likened] domestic affairs there's a general consensus in Russia on what has to be done about clearly, as Cliff was pointing out, President Putin isn't entirely sure what he has to do to tackle this problem of growth rate. President Putin is largely [only going] in foreign policy. In part this is because he sees the foreign policy agenda for himself and he's made it very clear that it's off limits for external participation at this point. That's one of the reasons why there was no mention of it at all in his April state of Russia address. And his priorities have to be discerned rather than those stated. Although relations with the U.S. are clearly a priority there's a great deal more speculation about what the other priorities are that in fact in Moscow and even in Moscow itself there's a great deal of debate about where it is that President Putin gets his foreign policy counsel from. And certainly foreign policy discussions are confined to a very small circle within the presidential administration and perhaps few people from outside. Now obviously outside in Moscow there are an awful lot of people who have opinions on what Mr. Putin's priorities should be and they're making a lot of public noise about this. But that's actually really a distraction because President Putin is keeping his cards very close to his chest. And while foreign policy seems to have very little effect on President Putin's popularity with the Russian public and a foreign policy disaster just like a disaster on the economy might not really affect his high poll ratings that much, it will certainly turn up all the big background noise from the public opinion and the elite. But what might happen if there is a foreign policy disaster is it might negatively impact his own standing within his inner circle and that actually could have some negative consequences. If we look back to the Yeltsin period we know that Yeltsin had very low ratings in polls and sometimes they went down to single digits. But he also had a considerable lack of personal procedures in his inner circle. It was well known of course of his drinking problems and the fact that he was disruptive on a number of issues, and as a result we had a lot of free lunching in foreign policy by a whole range of institutions in Russia from border guards to the Russian military to the foreign ministry and many other institutions in between. And this led to a great deal of confusion and chaos in Western foreign policy in the 1990s. The fear is in many circles in Moscow that if Putin makes some missteps abroad in relations with the U.S. or on a number of other issues, where he is stepping out essentially alone, then he could lose control of the agenda to be kept for himself here because he may lose his standing within this very small, tight group around him who are helping him in directing this policy. Then we might see a return to the foreign policy disarray of the 1990s with again a whole lot of freelancing on various issues that could eventually also impact the domestic front on the domestic agenda if this spills over into economic affairs or anything else. So beyond this emphasis that we're pointing out in this policy brief on strategic stability, the rest of the foreign policy agenda is not entirely clear. It actually paradoxically makes it easier to define failure than it does to define success for Mr. Putin. This is where I have a few concerns, because even more so than what Mr. Putin gets or he doesn't get in this list of the things that we've had on the bilateral agenda for the last ten years in U.S.-Russian relationships, irrespective of what he gets or doesn't get from us at the summit with Mr. Bush, it's really the continued cooperation on the war on terrorism where he runs some considerable risk. We've seen today, in fact a tragic explosion in [Gygistan] in southern Russia where as many as 30 people may have been killed, that Russia still has a very serious problem with domestic terrorism. This has just been one in a series of similar explosions in Russia over the last several years. But as the months have passed since September 11th and we've moved beyond the campaign in Afghanistan onto other issues, we've lost some of the sense of common cause that President Bush and President Putin had immediately after September 11th. We've seen the U.S. move on to tackle the tentacles of al Qaeda in the Philippines, Yemen, and most recently on Russia's borders in Georgia, and Washington has now designated Iraq, Iran and North Korea as state sponsors of terrorism, and of course the U.S. seems committed to a preemptive strike in Iraq if the crisis in the Middle East currently can be resolved. Given his background in the security and intelligence services, President Putin prides himself on knowing it's an issue about what the problems are out there, especially from Russia's perspective, and he does not feel that Iraq, Iran and North Korea are problems for Russia. While Russian intelligence officials will concede that the U.S. concerns about Saddam Hussein's acquisition of weapons of mass destruction have some merit, they feel that this problem can be managed. From the point of view of Iran, Russia actually sees Iran as a stabilizing force in the Middle East, in the Caucasus, in Central Asia, and doesn't at all share the perspective of the United States on Iran. And for Russia, North Korea is of course an immediate neighbor, shares a border with terrorist. It's seen as unstable but it's not seen as a military threat. So on the axis of evil from Mr. Bush's perspective, this is not Mr. Putin's at all. So for Putin now, his association in the war on terrorism with the United States has become something quite unpredictable and it could have potentially negative implications from Putin's perspective for the entire region on Russia's borders. I think when Putin first engaged with the United States most actively after September 11th he felt that this would enhance Russia's sense of security and its sense of international stability by really making a common cause of the United States and moving forward, but I think from his perspective now it may be the opposite. And if Russia and the U.S. are to continue to work together in the war on terrorism, these divergent views would have to be reconciled, so I imagine that is going to be a major point of discussion in Moscow, and Putin most importantly is going to have to feel that he is being consulted on where the U.S. moves next and he's going to have to demonstrate that his being consulted to the members of his inner circle. Quickly on Central Asia, from the U.S. perspective this time there may be some pitfalls ahead again in the U.S.-Russian relationship here. There's a great deal, obviously, of potential for cooperation between Russia and the United States and Central Asia. Russia was also concerned about security dilemmas in the region, especially about the Taliban and the al Qaeda activities and militant Islam emanating from Afghanistan into Central Asia. The Russians, like the U.S., would like to stamp out drug trafficking and the other smuggling of weapons in the region, and it would also like to see the long term promotion of stability and trade and development in Central Asia. There was already a conclusion in Moscow that U.S. military presence in Central Asia is going to be there for the long term, but there again is ambivalence as to whether this is necessarily a positive thing for Russia. And if the overall U.S.-Russia relationship sours and Russia comes to feel increasingly insecure and feeling that it's not consulted on other fronts, it's quite possible that these basic interests may diverge here too, then we may see again renewed Russian attempts to obstruct the U.S. in Central Asia as well as in other sensitive regions on Russia's borders such as Georgia. Especially if we go back to this foreign policy freelancing that we saw in the 1990s with the Russian military, which is most opposed to a long term U.S. presence in Central Asia feels that it can seize its own initiatives in the region to block United States initiatives. So we could see, instead of an arena for cooperation, Central Asia becoming again an arena for U.S.-Russian competition. I just wanted to point to a few worrying signs. Russia in the last few months has also begun to formulate its own response to regional security beyond its cooperation with the U.S. in Afghanistan, and to start to examine the nation's security provisions in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This is the group that Russia, China, and four of the Central Asian states are part of. And in early April we saw a major exercise including Russian troops and contingents from eight CIS countries which this is a huge counter-terrorism exercise including live fire. It was significantly the largest since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the region. And coming up on June 7th, two weeks after the summit meeting between Presidents Bush and Putin, in St. Petersburg we're going to have a meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and on the agenda there is a discussion, at least a tentative discussion, of a new security alliance to build upon these kinds of exercises on counter-terrorism in Central Asia. And most regional analysts see this very much as a response to the presence or the long term presence of the U.S. in the region even though of course terrorist threats to Central Asia have subsided dramatically since the campaign in Afghanistan. So as we move ahead beyond the May summit and in thinking about how the U.S. and Russia are going to work together in Central Asia and other arenas, we're going to have to work very hard to keep the Russians on board, to keep them consulted on important issues, and really to keep and maintain the momentum of the very positive trajectory that we've had so far in the discussions leading up to the summit and to try to continue this cooperation in places like Central Asia rather than turning back to the competition that clearly Mr. Putin sees in the economy but that doesn't necessarily have to be the case on other aspects of foreign policy. MR. STEINBERG: Jim? MR. JAMES M. LINDSAY: I guess my job here is to take us through the arms control agreement that may or may not be signed at the summit meeting and I should begin by saying it's somewhat ironic that the President of the United States George Bush is going to go to Moscow and that one of the major issues on the agenda is going to be an arms control agreement. I'm sure you're all well aware that when the Administration came in it was very critical of formal arms control agreements arguing they were part of the problem, not part of the solution. Last November when Mr. Putin was in Washington and told the President that he wanted some agreements put down on paper the President in the press conference seemed to be miffed that this would really be an issue. In February the President came around and said that he would get some kind of binding agreement, and now the Administration finds itself in a position that to some extent the success of this summit is going to be judged on whether or not they can actually produce the kind of agreement that they had previously been rather skeptical about. So the question sort of bubbling on in Washington these days is are we going to get an agreement? Certainly all of the signs coming out of the two capitals in the last week or so have been very positive. I think a key U.S. diplomat in Moscow gave a background briefing yesterday saying he thought this was going to happen. Mr. Ivanov was here over the weekend and said that he thought there was a very high probability that we would get an agreement. Mr. Bush and Mr. Putin both seem to want to have an agreement so it makes it likely that we'll get a deal. The obvious caveat is to keep in mind that they're actually trying to do a tremendous amount of work in a very short period of time on an issue that has a potential momentous consequence. So it's possible on the eve of the summit they could hit a snag and not have it go forward. I think as Jim knows, those last minute difficulties are not unknown in summitry. Another possibility I see quite likely is some of the details will simply get put off to subsequent agreements. That is if we do get a binding agreement it will not necessarily settle all outstanding issues. I would also add, to sort of draw on what Fiona has just said, that nuclear weapons while still important in the context of U.S.-Russian relations are not all defining. So I think it's important to recognize that there are other issues that are going to be on the summit, and while an arms control agreement may get a lot of attention I think [new agreements] generally are less important though not unimportant in U.S.-Russian relations. The real question though is a binding agreement to do what? What will be in this binding agreement? I think we know that the two capitals have some fundamental differences on nuclear weapons. They can basically be summed up the following way: The Bush Administration believes it's important to have maximum flexibility to make decisions about nuclear weapons, and the Russian position is we want to have maximum constraints on the ability of the two sides with respect to nuclear weapons. Now obviously that's a fundamental difference. The Bush position flows from the logic in the nuclear posture review. My colleague Ivo Daalder and I did a policy brief discussing the NTR. It's I think available out on the table outside. So Fiona's not the only one who hawks her wares. [Laughter] I won't take you through all the intricacies of the NTR but basically what it says is the United States A, can go much lower than 1700-2200 warheads; but B, it's a dangerous world out there so we should not destroy the decommissioned warheads but keep at least some of them in a responsive force. Because there may be some unforeseen military contingency down the road that would lead us to want to increase the size of our nuclear forces in a matter of weeks, months or years. The Russians look at this perspective rather wearily. The Russians I think wanted to go deeper in large part because of some of the budgetary problems that Cliff has alluded to. It costs a lot of money to maintain a very large nuclear arsenal. The Russians would like to go down lower. Putin's range was 1500-2200 warheads, they might even go down lower than that. The Russians really prefer to have cuts that were irreversible. They're uncomfortable with the idea of a responsive force in part because they probably would not be able to maintain the necessary infrastructure to upload very quickly, unlike the United States. And I think the Russians also have some concerns and aired some concerns over the link between offensive weapons and defensive weapons and want to see some understanding about the relationship between the offenses/defenses strategic balance. I'm not going to take you through all the details of all the sorts of complicated [excuses] that flow from those broad observations. Let me simply suggest some of the things that will probably be in the agreement, some of the things to watch for that might be in the agreement, and some things that probably aren't going to be in the agreement. In terms of what would be in the binding agreement, we're likely to see the following things. Number one, an agreement for ten years; we will see it, the Bush Administration's proposed to go down to 1700 to 2200 warheads. There's a reasonable chance there will be additional transparency provisions so that each side will have confidence that the other is living up to its promises, particularly data exchanges and things like that. And it will probably have a standard six month withdrawal clause that is allowing either side to revoke, to plead national urgency and to leave the agreement. That's pretty standard. One to keep your eye out for is whether or not the United States gets what it has proposed, this is in addition to a six month withdrawal clause, to also have a 45 day notification clause. Let me go ahead and try to explain the difference. Under a 45 day notification clause if you notify the other side that for national security reasons you're going to have to breach the agreed limit and you will do so in 45 days, but unlike a complete withdrawal which would terminate all obligations, the 45 day provision would leave all other understanding in the agreement intact, particularly the verification and transparency provisions. Now the Russians were I think relatively cool to this idea. The Department of Defense is pretty keen on it. We'll see how that shakes out. Another real question to look for is what does the agreement say, or what do they say in any non-binding political statement surrounding the summit as to what happens at the end of this ten year period. What are the two expectations the two sides have of each other, any obligations they might take on. What isn't likely to be in the agreement? Number one, you're not likely to see a specific number. The Russians have been arguing for not a range, 1700 to 2200, but a specific number as close to 1500 as possible. It's not likely to happen. But we are not likely to see any limit on the size or character of what the NTR calls the responsive force. That is the decommissioned warheads. We're not likely to see anything in the agreement that requires the destruction of decommissioned warheads as you go from 6000 or 7200, depending on how you count, down to the 1700 to 2200 range. And we're not going to see anything in this agreement that limits launchers. Launchers are critical because they affect how quickly you can upload. Now I should point out that all of the things that aren't likely to show up in the agreement are all things the Russians have said in the past they very much would like to see if they could get their ideal agreement. As far as I can tell, both from what American officials have said both publicly and on deep background, and likewise from the Russians, the Russians have backed off a lot of these demands, requests, negotiating positions and it may not be too far to say they essentially are conceding their way to an agreement by deciding that what they will in essence do is to accept whatever it is the United States is willing to agree on. The real question is why are the Russians, to pick up on Fiona's point, why is Mr. Putin being so agreeable? I would imagine as the months and years go on historians and pundits will argue this out but I think there's really two likely explanations. One is that for Putin it is important for reasons both at home domestically and abroad to have some symbol of Russia's continued great power status. Russia is the only country in a bilateral nuclear relationship with the United States and that has some symbolic value. I think a second rationale is that for Putin any agreement is better than no agreement because if you get an agreement it keeps Russia in the game. It keeps some semblance of scaffolding, of international arms control architecture out there. The expectation may be that Mr. Bush will eventually leave office and it would be easier to build on these remnants of an arms control architecture than to start from ground zero. I should also point out that the Russians will probably understand they will not be able to get what they want in the binding agreement. We are likely to see political declarations or statements at the summit and we may see some broad agreement, though non-binding on some of these issues, perhaps on missile defense, but clearly the Russians reserve the right that if they can't get something satisfying even in the political declaration about presumed expectations, that they can issue their own unilateral declarations of their understanding of what's happened and particularly with regard to missile defense. Final issue. Is this going to be a treaty or an executive agreement? This is a question talked about a lot here in the United States. So far publicly the Administration says no decision has been made. The executive agreement versus treaty distinction is something rooted in American constitutional practice. From the vantage point of international law they're treated as identical. They're both binding. The difference in the American context is that if it's a treaty the Senate must provide its advice and consent by two-thirds; if it's an executive agreement given statutes on the books it would have to be, the agreement would be submitted to both houses of Congress for simple majority approval. That creates some really interesting dynamics in American politics because the Senate wants to reserve its prerogative with the treaty-making power. Senators Biden and Helms, Democrat and Republican, fired off a letter saying we want a treaty. You can bet your bottom dollar a lot of people in the House of Representatives very much would like to see it as an executive agreement because that gives them a way into this whole debate. This is an issue that has alienated House members all the way back to 1794 and James Madison on some issues, so it has some very long history. It will be interesting to see how the Administration decides who it wants to offend. The Russians are going to submit their agreement to the Duma. I think one of the questions to follow up down the road is who's going to go first in submitting it? The signals coming from Moscow is they would like to see the Americans run it through Capital Hill before Putin has to go to the Duma. MR. STEINBERG: I think they have some history for thinking that maybe they would like to see the U.S. go first. Let me just conclude with a broad observation about the trajectory of U.S.-Russian relations and then we'll open it up to questions. I think it's interesting to look back at the beginning of this Administration from the campaign into the early months of the Administration to what one might have guessed U.S.-Russian relations would have been about and how they've evolved over the last year and a half. If you go back to the early campaign in the early months of the Administration where it appeared that U.S.-Russian relations would be playing a much less significant role. Bush as a candidate in the early days of his presidency seemed to suggest there had been an excessive preoccupation with Russia during the Clinton Administration and particularly an excessive preoccupation with the personalities of the leaders and the personal relationship between President Clinton and President Yeltsin. Similarly there was a strong sense that the Bush Administration's diagnosis was that the United States could do very little to affect the internal course of events in Russia, both political and economic and therefore the United States should largely concentrate on the relatively limited number of issues of Russian behavior that were of concern to the United States such as concerns about proliferation related activities, Russia's relations with Iran for example. Obviously it has turned out very differently than that. This is something that clearly pre-dated September 11th, the tabled first meeting between President Bush and President Putin in Lubliyana [ph] which was a few months before September 11th. But these trends now place a much greater emphasis on U.S.-Russian relations is very pronounce. For the clear sense that contrary to what I think the Administration first thought, Russia can be very useful to the United States now on issues which are now very high on the United States agenda. Fiona talked about the war on terrorism. She didn't mention, although she's done a lot of work on it, the issue of energy and the current fascination with the potential that Russia could be perhaps a substitute for Saudi Arabia and other less desirable states for our energy supplies. A sense that in a geostrategic way that Russia has become more important. So we've seen this real shift in U.S.-Russian relations. But the question we now will have to watch, I think, over the next several months and at the summit is what does it mean for the Administration to put more emphasis on the relationship? Clearly there are things that the United States wants from Russia. The question is how do we see what a full relationship is like? Fiona has suggested that what is going to be important for Putin and the Russians is some sense that this is a real partnership, a two-way street in which Russian concerns are as much on the U.S. agenda as U.S. concerns on the Russian agenda. I think one of the places it will be interesting to watch in particular is the evolution of policy towards Iraq. Russia has an extreme level of interest there. It may well be that Putin doesn't have the kind of geopolitical nostalgia that Primakov had for the Russian-Iraqi relations but there are substantial economic and political interests that remain. And to the extent that this is a more mature relationship between the United States and Russia, how much weight will the United States give to Russia's view on this, on the Central Asian question, on the Caucasus, Russia's concern about Georgia and the like. I think the real test of whether this is a sustainable new strategic partnership will come as we see whether this can be broadened out to handle issues of concern to both sides in the months ahead. Let me open it to questions. QUESTION: Scott [inaudible]. I've got a question regarding another question that was prevalent at the beginning of the Administration and that was the Russia-China relationship. There was a great deal of speculation about Russia and China moving closer together that went beyond the sale of military equipment by Russia to China. Suddenly after 9-11 that all seems to have gone away. I'm just wondering where that relationship is and perhaps could that be one of the drivers behind the Bush Administration's change in attitude towards the relationship with Russia? MS. HILL: I don't think that relationship has entirely gone away, but clearly it has faded into the background. Certainly a year or so ago, well before September 11th, we were very concerned about Russian-Chinese relationships especially after the signing of the Friendship Treaty, which I'm sure that's what you're alluding to. But in many respects that relationship back then was seen even by President Putin as a means of counterbalancing the U.S.. Certainly when Putin first came into power there was still a kind of a hangover from the Yeltsin era of trying to find ways of counterbalancing the U.S.. There was lots of talk of a multi-polar world, of potentially Russia becoming an alternative pole and surrounding itself or joining in with other states that were seeking the same kind of counterbalancing effect on the United States and China was certainly one of those. The idea was to try to influence the U.S. decisionmaking on the withdrawal from the ABM and missile defense. Clearly both Russia and China and realize that was a bit of a losing battle. As many people said back then, the train had already left the [station] and they were kind of just circling behind running along the platform trying to catch up with it. So I think both Russia and China realized this was not necessarily the way to go. China was also taken I think completely by surprise by what happened on September 11th. If you remember, I think it was literally the day before that the Chinese delegation was in Kabul meeting with the Taliban to try to reach their own agreement to keep the Taliban from sending militants over to China and to find some kind of ways of keeping trade routes open. So they had egg on their faces in terms of that relationship which I think was one of the reasons they were so cautious in the response. Unlike Putin who had been actually very much opposed to any kind of relationship with the Taliban. But Russia and China need each other. It's a fact of life. They have the largest border between their two countries, and the Russians are very concerned over the longer term about their own relationship with China. In many respects this thing called the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that I mentioned in my remarks, is as much an acknowledgement of China's presence in Central Asia as it is anything else in terms of an agreement between Russia and China to push any other power out of the region. The Russians know that China has this huge economy, this huge demographic boom right across the borders and there are real concerns that over the longer term China could become a security threat to Russia too. So the important [thing] for Russia now is to bind China to it. The Friendship Treaty was as much an acknowledgement that China and Russia would cooperate over the longer term and also for Russia to find ways of evening out that imbalance in demography and economic issues with China. The Russians want to sell oil and gas to China, they'd like to build pipelines. It's not just a question of technology transfers, of weapons, they're also trying to build industrial links between them. Many Russian products are now mass produced in Chinese factories. There's Chinese migrant labor in the Russian Far East. So the Russians are also trying to find a way of creating a positive relationship with China. So not everything about the Russia-Chinese relationship is negative from the U.S. perspective. It's just going to be a challenge because obviously Russia, China and the U.S. often have very different viewpoints, especially in regions as sensitive as Central Asia. MR. STEINBERG: I think the last thing, over the last ten years has been that although there's kind of a theoretical attraction of this Russian-Chinese partnership, in fact the concerns between them bilaterally way over-dominate the potential for cooperation. There are some very practical things. The Russians need to sell military equipment, they don't have a lot of outlets, the Chinese have needed Russian technology and so that's going pretty well. But from a strategic point of view, largely these agreements are attempt to try to minimize the friction rather than to build a real strategic relationship. And particularly in the contemporary world where the United States is the 800 pound gorilla. Both of them are far more focused on their bilateral relations with the United States than they are with each other. QUESTION: George Condon, with Copley News Service. Two questions. First, how does the ABM withdrawal affect this summit and the talks? Secondly, following up on what Jim said, ever since Slovenia we've heard a lot about the personal relationship. The United States has gotten out of that the mild reaction on the ABM withdrawal and help after 9-11. What has Russia gotten, and is Putin under any pressure from the elites or from the public to get something out of that relationship? MR. LINDSAY: I think in terms of the ABM Treaty withdrawal, that's sort of water under the bridge. The Administration made its announcement last December. Mr. Putin accepted it graciously. I think he limited himself to calling it a mistake and not much more than that. I think the broader issue for the Russians is what are America's missile defense plans likely to be and how are they likely to affect Russia's strategic interests. I think one of the reasons why Putin could be so understanding last December is the realization in Moscow, in the military plan is that in the near term there is nothing this Administration is going to build or deploy that would have any practical impact on the Russia nuclear deterrent. I'm not talking a decade, I'm talking probably longer than a decade. That's important to keep in mind. So the Russians' concern about missile defense is not an immediate dire concern. It is how is it likely to evolve in the future, particularly as we go lower, and what kind of consequences it will have, which is why I think from the vantage point of the Russians, the Russians aren't going to be focused on can't we go back into the ABM Treaty, but trying to develop some understandings about what it is the United States is doing in missile defense so they can have greater reassurance and more predictability, which is understandable. Countries generally prefer to have predictability rather than unpredictability. The question of whether or not Mr. Putin is getting enough in return I think is going to be one that different Russians will have different opinions on. We were in delegation in Moscow in February and clearly some people we talked to, many of them felt he hadn't gotten enough in return. I think many people in the Administration, they would argue that they already got something big in return and that is their presence, their reward for our leaving the ABM, being so nice in leaving the ABM Treaty is they're going to get a binding agreement on offensive nuclear missiles which we personally would rather not have. So I think in that sense, from the Administration's point of view, they've already given something. The question I suppose about whether it's a one-way street or a two-way street depends upon what it is you're actually expecting to get out of this. I think to the extent any Russians expect to get something tangible, bankable it's not clear they're going to get that. MR. GADDY: Two aspects to be addressed. One is what would Putin like as opposed to maybe what other Russians would like. As Jim said, everybody has an opinion on that and we heard most of them. [Laughter] The other, and maybe a more interesting question is this issue of pressure on Putin. Is he under pressure? What people talk about in Moscow, what Russians talk about is often very directly related to quid pro quos on specific issues -- ABM, Strategic Nuclear Arms Agreement. If the U.S. invades Iraq, well, how about the Iraqi debt that the current government owes to Russia, could that be settled? Is there a monetary, a price tag you could put on these sorts of things. People come up with these different scenarios. My sense is that these may be more interesting for the people, specific individuals, specific groups that are throwing those out. Not that they aren't interesting for a broader segment of the Russian population, but the population in general in Russia, as Fiona said, is really not that concerned about foreign policy and foreign policy issues. What they I think are concerned about and I think Mr. Putin is quite concerned about, on his own behalf and on their behalf, is just the sense of fairness, of respect. It's such a cheap thing for us to give, frankly. Just to spend a little bit of extra time thinking about how will this impact on Russian public opinion, on Russian leadership opinion, the way they're being treated by the United States. And it's very much by the United States, by the way, as opposed to "the West". Just the basic idea that we're not being disrespected. The pressure issue I think is -- Frankly I don't think that Mr. Putin has to worry about being accused of having a sell-out to the United States or giving in as long as he can deal with other issues. Again, Fiona said this very clearly I think, there's an inner circle. I don't think anybody knows what it is or who it is if it is a definable inner circle, but there are clearly forces based in the security services, possibly the military, the military industrial, Red Director type, who have been empowered, they feel empowered by Putin's advent of power. They felt it already when Mr. Primakov came in. They act differently, they think differently, and they have different expectations. They will react differently also to the same kinds of events that might have happened in 1994 and 1995 where if they happened today they would perhaps react differently, and that includes certain domestic policy issues and foreign policy issues. I think they're making their sense of what they expect and what they want known to Mr. Putin and he has to take that into consideration. But above all, if his original mandate, his original reason he was brought in, he says it himself time and time again, was to prevent the dissolution, the destruction, the collapse of Russia just the same way the Soviet Union happened. That will not happen under his watch. His mandate is to maintain this unity cohesion, strengthen it, strengthen the state. All these things are very closely related. That's the main thing. If it means making tactical compromises with the United States of America on this issue or that issue, if he can persuade them this is all being done for the grater good, for a longer term goal and they believe that okay, he's doing things that look a little bit funny right now maybe but okay, he's got it under control, he knows what he's doing, then he's all right, and I think he is. He's that kind of a person. He has that sort of trust among these circles as well as the broader population. But longer run, more deep effect of this simple idea of being treated fairly I think is extremely important. QUESTION: [inaudible] of United Citizen. Eleven years before I was in Soviet Union. I have question for you and for you. First question for you. About strategic treaty and all this stuff. My question is this. The reason to insist to keep warheads in some storage from United States point of view. Can you give me some reasonable explanation for this? The second, not so question for you but maybe answer on your question. You said why is Putin so agreeable? If I can, I will give you answer because -- MR. STEINBERG: Very quickly, please. QUESTION: -- may be smarter, and is very simple answer on this question. So I'd like to know an answer on the first question. MR. LINDSAY: I'll explain the Administration's thinking which I don't accept and we have a policy brief out there that lays out why it works. The Administration's argument in essence proceeds from two assumptions. Number one, nuclear weapons are useful. Number two, it's a dangerous world out there. And so the calculation is we can afford to go down because things are relatively peaceful now, but we need a hedge in case things go bad. I think what you're alluding to is that looking at this notion of response of forces presumably we'd have, the numbers we're getting is at least 2400 warheads in it, is that the question is well who would you possibly need all these warheads for other than the Russians because once you put the Russians aside, no one else has a very large -- Well, we tend, we're not worried about the British nuclear force, we tend not to worry about the French nuclear force and the Chinese have a very small, less than two dozen missiles. The Administration as I know either in the Nuclear Posture Review has not produced what I would find a particularly persuasive reason why you need to have a hedge so large. If the question is do I think it can go much lower, I think yes. And [inaudible] argues just that, and I'll leave it there. QUESTION: Jay Rosen, McClatchey Newspapers here in Washington. Just a very broad, somewhat speculative question. This is a question I've heard from several editors of our papers. If we can look five or ten years down the road, if one is the relation that we have with our enemies and ten is the relationship that we have with our closest allies, the United States, where do we stand now with Russia and where might we stand in five or ten years? And is our current sort of warming, is this just a convenient temporary alliance or it is a more permanent relationship? MR. STEINBERG: I think that that is the big question. The question is why do countries have alliances and what are the roles of alliances. There was certainly some hint in the Administration's comment particularly in the post September 11th environment that they were foreshadowing a new concept of alliances based on the common interests in dealing with terrorism. If terrorism is the dominant threat, if counter-terrorism is the sort of organizing principle for foreign policy then one might imagine a kind of a new alignment based on who is for us and who is against us in the war against terrorism. And certainly President Putin argued even before September 11th that he had seen this change coming, that he had warned the United States, that we had been insufficiently attentive to it. And so if alliances are based on sort of long term convergence of strategic interests then one would ask the question is terrorism, for example, a sufficient basis for an alliance. Similarly on the energy front. After all, we have had perhaps not alliances with key Gulf states over the last 40 years but we've certainly had very strong continued relations that have colored and shaped our approach to a broad range of other issues because of our interest in secure access to Persian Gulf oil. So that might be a second basis. The third basis which has been an important one for the past 50 years is shared values. Can you build alliances over time on shared values? It's a great debate in the strategic community. People say well, if you look at what's happening between the United States and Europe once the Cold War threat is gone, we're seeing all these great divergences. Maybe values aren't an adequate basis but if they are, do we see enough of an embrace of "Western values" in Russia to see that Russia might become part of that. It's clear that, and I think this goes with my earlier comments, that after really minimizing the potential for a long term relationship with Russia the Administration has gone a long way towards suggesting that there is a big one. One has to ask whether that is a matter of convenience. It was good to say in the context of being able to drop the ABM Treaty that we can do this because we're not adversaries any more, so don't worry about this any more. They may believe it, but it helps in terms of very specific objectives. Similarly in terms of some of the near term objectives on terrorism, it obviously helps to buy Russian acquiescence into U.S. military deployments in Central Asia, to get acquiescence into what now looks like it's going to be a very large enlargement of NATO and the like. But I think it's unfair to just say it's only tactical. I think it remains to be seen as to whether this can be bound into a more strategic partnership. Certainly there have been aspirations by many for some time to do that and I think that there is sort of, in my judgment there is no inherent reason why the relationship can't grow more broadly. You can go back to [inaudible], 100, almost 200 years ago that Russia and the United States were natural allies. So I think the verdict is out on that, but I think you can see both reasons to think that there is a possibility for a deeper, longer term relationship and some question marks about whether that could be sustained. QUESTION: Richard Salmon with Kiplinger. What would a successful summit say for a U.S. business investment climate in Russia over the next couple of years? Does a successful summit clear the path for larger business investment in Russia and in what areas of industry? MR. GADDY: It's a bit of a circular question because for a businessman I would presume that a successful summit would be one that did least to increased confidence in the business climate. I think more broadly yes, absolutely, in fact we've already seen it. The warming of the relationship between the United States and Russia from the previous summits and in between has clearly had a positive influence on the attitudes of American business, Western business but especially American business, to take a look back at Russia after the August 1998 crash. Objectively the reasons might have been there to take a look at it and look at it soberly, but psychologically the warming has been very very important. The acceptance of Mr. Putin as a legitimate leader, his stature and so forth, and the personal relationship with Mr. Bush has been very important. So I think it's the general climate will be the most important thing. Any specific agreement? I don't see major, I don't even see the potential for any major decisions made within the context of the summit that would substantively impact decisions by business people. I always hesitate to make generalizations for business people. But certainly the United States can make some general statements about helping Russia join the WTO as it already has done. Certainly the President could make some positive statements about getting rid of Jackson-Vanick and so forth, these things that are relating to trade. Certainly this would be a concrete thing. The United States could officially declare that Russia is a market economy which we have claimed that we're going to do. But in a sense the really important things have already been done which is this warming of the relationship. MS. HILL: If I could make a quick comment on energy. That's been one of the issues that there's been most speculation about both before the summit and for the summit itself. We recently had the meeting in Detroit of the [inaudible] Energy Ministers and I know that the world's meetings with the Vice Presidents, with Dick Cheney and Russian officials specifically on energy issues. There's talk now about the U.S. buying Russian oil for its strategic reserves. There's also speculation that perhaps there may be some kind of new agreement on closer U.S.-Russian cooperation on energy that might in fact bring in more U.S. investment. But the investment climate within Russia for energy remains very complicated and in part it's related to the importance of energy for the Russian economy itself. Cliff has done an awful lot of work on this and could probably give you some more details after we finish, but energy is Russia's most important strategic economic asset. It's completely intrinsically tied to the government revenues and there's an increasing trend in the Russian energy sector now to almost a renationalization of the sector. So more government control is in evidence in spite of the privatization of the oil sector in the 1889s. We're seeing increasingly Russian oil companies acting more in line with broad state priorities and simply as independent investors or as independent companies in their own right. In spite of all of the rhetoric about this there is still a very limited opportunity for U.S. energy companies of getting equity stakes in Russian reserves. There's hope that the summit might pave the way for this, but that's all very much dependent on decisions taken within Russia itself on production sharing agreements and all of the legislation, but the trend is not particularly positive towards that, and although there's a lot of [scope] for U.S. service companies getting involved with the Russians, the Russians need technology, it is a case that Russian energy companies want to keep hold of their own reserves and they themselves want to expand. So in fact there may be more benefit for Russian oil companies themselves to expand even in the United States than there may be for U.S. oil companies to expand within Russia. QUESTION: Hi, my name is Michelle Strengbaugh, I work for APAC. My question is regarding the upcoming summit and the likelihood of the issue of Russian proliferation of technological information regarding nuclear weapons to Iran. First of all, what's the likelihood of that being on the agenda? And second, what leverage can the United States use, perhaps economically or otherwise, to convince Russia that this may not be in the best interest of Russia's strategic interest? And I'm thinking particularly economically. Whether there could be other uses and development for Russian scientists in cooperation with the United States as a way to go and show alternatives to an alliance with Iran. MR. STEINBERG: As you know, most of those efforts have been tried and they have had some success. The [ISAC] program, there's a number of programs that have been developed over the years to provide Russian weapon scientists with alternative projects to work on, collaboration with U.S. and other scientists. The issue of Russia's proliferation activity has been a major source of contention for at least a half a decade. I think the problem remains that Russia is in denial about this problem so I do expect the Administration to raise it. I don't expect them to raise it as a major issue in the summit. There's certainly been discussions that have involved Sergei Ivanov who had a particular role on this issue. But I think as with a number of issues the Administration will certainly make the point but whether this will lead to a new set of policies or actions I think is uncertain under these circumstances, particularly given the range of issues that the Administration will have on the agenda and as I indicated earlier, I think in particular at least, if it's not an issue at the summit, the near term issue to have to deal with Iraq I think makes it difficult to try to proceed on all of these fronts at all times. So given the both domestic and international interest in the issue it would be surprising to me if the spokesmen weren't able to say at the end of the meeting, yes, they discussed this issue. But I would be surprised if there were any significant new initiatives. I think part of it is, there are two tracks here too. One is the question of unauthorized cooperation with Iran and the other is Russia's continuing cooperation with Iran. I think on the formal side there may be some more progress in the sense that I think there is, Russians have shown a greater willingness, for example, to recognize the need for an end-to-end agreement on [Bushaire] so that if the Russians are going to continue to build this nuclear power plant that at least we have real safeguards to make sure that the waste products and any potential recyclable plutonium is taken out of rods. So there is certainly some progress on that front. QUESTION: Bob Deans with Cox Newspapers. Two quick ones on NATO. One, do you think that Putin is comfortable that the 19+1 arrangement satisfies his yearning for greater Russian input into NATO? Two, do you think that President Bush has a sales job to do with respect to the big bang expansion that appears to be contemplated later in the fall? And do you see these as being linked? In other words if Putin accepted one in exchange for the other. MR. STEINBERG: I'm sure he would not call it 19+1. I think the selling point -- it may be exactly what we had before, but not it's 20 and not 19+1. I think that the issue of better Russian cooperation is to some degree a matter of formality, but to some degree it really is a matter of spirit and willingness. That is the old Partnership Joint Council was plagued by the fact that the Russians just were not interested in taking it seriously. So while it's true that there were institutional constraints on what it could do, the Russians I think rather than trying to nudge it in a direction to give them a greater role decided to take a principal position of being difficult to deal with in that context. I think Putin has made a decision to do it differently. So while, in terms of the formalities and all the constraints that have been built around this process, NATO has to decide beforehand that 19, whether an issue can go into the 20. Once it's in the 20, NATO at 19 can decide to withdraw it from the 20. So there's, in terms of what you get on paper if the Russians had wanted to take a sour view of this they could have taken a sour view, but I think that Putin has decided that this is what you make of it. He's decided to try to make something of it and as a result I think he will get more forthcoming reactions from a number of the NATO partners who are willing to be more forthcoming even on the institutional design before it came up. Let me defer to others on NATO expansion. My sense is that once Putin made a decision that he was not going to make an issue of it in general, the specifics are not going to matter to him. MS. HILL: The one aspect of the sales job that I guess is still the lingering concern is the Baltic states. That is itself actually even more confused than one might expect in the Russian context. Jim alluded to our trip with a little delegation up to Moscow to talk to everyone and we certainly heard plenty about the Baltic states. But the interesting factor was that there were more concerns about EU enlargement running to the Baltic states than there was NATO enlargement. And everyone we spoke to confused both issues as if NATO enlargement and EU enlargement were now one and the same issue. Now clearly the United States can't do much of a sales job for EU enlargement for Russia even though perhaps we may think we can sometimes, but that's actually more of the problem. The real concern for the Russians is they're going to get closed out, that there's going to be a new iron curtain for European expansion in all of its institutional forms, that Russia is going to be closed out. They're more concerned about access to European markets for trade and transit issues than they are really now about the stock phrases about the Baltics which is about this being a real threat to Russian security. It's very clear to them that this is not a security threat. The relationship with NATO that Jim is describing will go somewhere to resolving those kinds of issues about consultation which they're concerned about. But the real hard questions again come back to what happens if NATO enlargement, the Baltics is just simply a first step toward European enlargement, and then we get into the whole realm of them, how do the Russians come to be able to access ports, markets and just tons of issues. So there's actually a whole new agenda of questions that really can't be resolved at this summit and certainly won't be resolved at the Prague summit for NATO. QUESTION: Gary Mitchell from the Mitchell Report. I want to ask a question about context and to do that I was thinking about a comment that the historian Richard Norton Smith made on the night of the first debate in the 2000 campaign and he made what was certainly the most succinct and maybe the most insightful comment in which he said that the debate proved that Gore knew a lot and that Bush knew enough. Using that sort of framework, I'm interested in getting your perspective on the sort of relative intellectual and political throw weights of the two people who we're getting together at this summit. How do you rate these two people, particularly when you put it in the perspective of the personalities that have been doing this for the last four or five decades? MR. LINDSAY: I only know about warheads. [Laughter] And Richard Norton Smith is an eminent historian who I think you're quite right, quite literally summarized what's up. I think you raise the question that I think is going to be debated for a very long time, particularly when you go back to the gentleman's question before. I think that U.S.-Russian relations are going to continue to improve, in part because I think Mr. Putin has made some fundamental decisions about the trajectory of Russia. I think to a great extent if you're going to rate people by smarts, shrewdness or what have you, I think Mr. Putin would come out relatively high. By all accounts he's really handled everything, particularly since September 11th, remarkably well. He's played his cards remarkably well. And I think it's remarkable that even things that clearly before he had laid down his red lines like ABM withdrawal and the threat to, it was the cornerstone of the international arms control infrastructure. When the Bush Administration did it, he swallowed hard, said the sort of right things and let it be done. I think that he's done it for a number of very intelligent reasons so he's a very intelligent man and I'm going to Moscow next week and do not want to be detained when I get to the airport. [Laughter] I think with respect to President Bush, I think even President Bush would say he makes no claim to being the brightest bulb in the room. He doesn't claim that he's a great intellectual. He I think in some sense sort of [inaudible] being different from his predecessor others who were considered to be very very bright and have great records. I think that President Bush has clearly grown in the job. I think that looking at him [inaudible] that as ideological as I think he is, he also has a very strong streak of pragmatism. I think clearly in terms of looking at the issue of Russia, it may have begun the talk about we're no longer adversaries as a way to sort of grease the skids so he can leave the ABM Treaty. I think the President right now actually believes in [this bonus] and is trying to make it happen. You've got to give him credit for that. He's surrounded by a top notch group of advisors. If you're going to sort of rate people, one way to rate them is are they smart enough to know to pick people who can give staff to their weaknesses. I think the President clearly did that. MS. HILL: Can I make a point on this? We always say now that we shouldn't let personalities count, but personality does count. I think that actually both Bush and Putin are sort of evenly balanced on this front. Putin has made his whole career on being able to communicate with people. If you remember part of his thing is he was a recruiter for the KGB. He speaks with great pride of his ability to communicate. And certainly President Bush is a great communicator. That's why they managed to hit it off so well at their initial meetings. And I think that's actually counted for a lot. I think that's been able to give both men the flexibility and the ability to move forward even on tough issues and to find a pragmatic basis for moving forward. So I think personality is just as much of an important factor here. QUESTION: Been Ross, Houston Chronicle. Considering the Middle East will probably still be on the front burner during this summit, where does Putin stand on this issue? Is he more sympathetic with the Palestinians or the Israelis? And how might Bush try to use Putin to maybe influence some in the Arab world concerning their past ties? MS. HILL: I'll make a quick initial comment and then I think Jim can talk more directly about the Middle East situation as a whole. Russia's position on the Middle East has changed quite dramatically in fact since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although we still have the Jackson-Vanick trade restrictions on the table dating back to the Soviet Union's restrictions on Jewish immigration to Israel in the 1970s, we've had such a huge change over this time that actually Russians, Russian speakers have become a major factor in Israeli politics. And this is something that started to change their minds in Russia itself. I think it's in that 20 percent of the voting population in Israel now are Russian speakers who are now beginning to identify themselves as Russians within the political context, obviously Sharonski being a very important figure in Israeli politics. Where the Soviet Union would have been much more sympathetic toward the Palestinians and obviously have a very strong stance within the Arab world, there was a great deal of obviously economic support for Middle East Arab countries from the Soviet Union. Russia has really been changing its position to a much more nuanced, much more balanced approach over the last ten years and Putin has in fact come forward quite strongly now in offering his services to the United States in trying to find a resolution in the Middle East. In fact the Russians have already agreed to take part in the conference that has been proposed by the Bush Administration. So it's possible that Russia could play a positive role here given its past relations with the Arab states and now it's newfound linkages with Israel which also extends it beyond the basic part of the population to a great deal of business interaction over the last 10 years, especially on high tech. MR. STEINBERG: I would underscore that with one little modification. I think that the old joke about American politicians go to Dublin or to Rome to campaign for their own domestic office. Now Israeli politicians go to Russia. And this is a major factor in both Israeli and Russian politics now. I think it has changed dramatically as a result of the dramatic Russian immigration to Israel. I think Russia will play a very limited role. I think Russia wants a seat at the table for the reasons that we've talked about here. If there's going to be a conference Russia wants to have a flag and a name next to EU and the like. But the truth is Russia has practically no influence with anybody. They don't have much influence with the Israelis. They never had much influence with the Egyptians, at least since Nasser. And the Saudis. They have some, they didn't have influence with the Iraqis, they were beholden to the Iraqis but had little influence over them. And in any event are not going to want to be seen as holding the Iraqis' coat at any Middle Eastern conference. So I think Putin will play this equally shrewdly which is to recognize that they're not going to play the Primakov game, sort of sitting on one side of the table while the United States sits on the other. I think they'll be broadly supportive of any kind of multilateral effort, both because they're part of it and because it goes to the broader question of some anxiety about excessive U.S. influence in the world and therefore want to see a balance. But I think the days of kind of distinctive Russian diplomacy other than to protect their economic interests in Iraq, are over. QUESTION: Will England from the Baltimore Sun. If you could talk just for a moment about Afghanistan. With a new government soon to be formed there what do you think Putin believes to be Russia's role and interest in Afghanistan, and do you think Russia will be trying to act in concert with Iran there? MS. HILL: That picks up from Jim's, I was going to say realistic, but cynical comments on Russia's capacity to influence. Even in Afghanistan Russia's capacity for influence is pretty slight. In fact, I mean obviously there's a great deal of resentment still about the Russian-Soviet role in Afghanistan. I mean they haven't exactly got an illustrious history in the country. Clearly the Russians have their own preferences for who they thought they wanted to see in power. We saw in the very early stages of the campaign that they were still pushing Rabani [ph] as a potential president and they had to back off about that. Certainly on the Iranian aspect, Russia and Iran have been major supporters of the Northern Alliance along with some of the Central Asian states in terms of sending through weapons and other supplies, but again it comes down to the fact that they don't have any cash and so they're not going to be able to take part in the deepest part of the reconstruction program in Afghanistan. It's no longer the time when the Soviet Union could pump money into an Afghanistan to buy Afghanistan's support in the region. I think that the Russians are going to have to take a back seat at this, although just like Jim says, they're going to want to have their flag at the table, they want to still have a say. They are [inaudible] for the longer term in stability in Afghanistan, but again, if they feel they're not being consulted, the same with the Iranians, they do still have a few mechanisms left to make their presence felt. I think that's the greatest risk. If they feel they're not being consulted, if they feel they're not being treated with specific respect for their importance in the general area, we may see some more attempts to kind of make little pinpricks in the process to remind those with past association with the Northern Alliance and their past support. But I don't think they're going to be a major factor in the decisionmaking about what happens next in Afghanistan. MR. STEINBERG: Thank you all. ******** Web page for CDI Russia Weekly: http://www.cdi.org/russia Archive for Johnson's Russia List: http://www.cdi.org/russia/johnson With support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the MacArthur Foundation A project of the Center for Defense Information (CDI) 1779 Massachusetts Ave. NW Washington DC 20036