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VLADIMIR PUTIN: TWO YEARS OF PRESIDENCY
MOSCOW, MARCH 25 (from Yuri Filippov, RIA Novosti political analyst)
- Russia elected Vladimir Putin federal President, March 26 two years ago.
What, now, are his achievements at the helm of a vast country? Surprising as it may seem, the best progress was made in the economy. The nation has fully recovered from the shock of the 1998 economic crisis. The foreign debt problem has receded into the background while, a mere three or four years ago, top-notch economic experts in Russia and other countries regarded it as Russia's worst plague for several decades to come. Invisibly to the people-in-the-street, the baffling problem has evolved into a mere technicality which the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank are smoothly tackling. We have an economic rise to thank for that. It started in 1999, while Mr. Putin was Premier.
Hopeful economic developments have been going on during Putin's presidency. Too many industrial companies stood idle while the Russian economy was grappling for a road to affluence through structural reforms. Now, the same companies are approaching the peak of their performance. Last year's economic rise closely approached 5%. More than that, the Russian economy and entire life are getting rid of dependence on petroleum exports. Importantly, Russia is not currying favour with the OPEC, and is not playing in close team with the organisation in global oil price formation. On the contrary, Russia is regaining independence in the world petroleum market--largely because the two years of Vladimir Putin's presidency have allowed it to get free from petrodollar dependence, and from dependence on overseas loans--the fatal pair which hampered its previous progress. So, Russia is all but free from its recent fetters.
Many people had misgivings as the young President became aware of the nation reviving, and steadily supporting him. What if he would drive Russia back to the well-trodden road of militarisation and imperialist claims? The fears proved ungrounded. True, Putin is displaying tremendous interest in the army, the navy and military-oriented research. Now he gets on board a fighter plane, now a submarine. But then, he is drawn to the military no closer than any other national leader throughout Russian history--Mikhail Gorbachev, for instance.
The essence of Putin's presidency hardly lies in a revival of the late unlamented imperialist spirit. Indicatively, he was blueprinting a sweeping administrative reform even when president-elect, while the Kremlin was preparing for his inauguration. The country was soon divided in seven federal districts. Every regional governor and republican president became State Council member with the right of direct contact with the federal president. The formative patterns of the Federation Council, parliament's upper house, changed beyond recognition. Those were not the only resolute steps made by President Putin.
As it appears, he sees his main goal in arranging federal rule as rationally as possible--which promises harmonious contacts with an emergent civil society in a free democratic country into which Russia ought to evolve. Characteristic in that context is Vladimir Putin's comparative aloofness to the practical aspects of economic reforms. He pronounces on matters within governmental competences only in emergencies--for instance, an urgent pension rise, bridling inflation, or getting overdue government allocations back on schedule.
Vladimir Putin can well afford his aloofness. He was, perhaps, the first within the last twenty years or so to lay the basis of a consolidated Russian political system. Parliament is backing essential government initiatives instead of torpedoing them, as was constant practice in recent Russian history. More than that, a Centrist majority on the State Duma, lower house, assumed a part of duties guiding public dialogue with the government so to free the President from mediating the dialogue. Next, his teamwork with the State Council promotes his vitally important contacts with regional leaders, and he is abreast with political developments in that field. Most probably, a reform of local self-government is approaching. That will be another pivotal reform as local self-government is the basis of every democratic regime. The presidential staff is only preparing for that reform after several busy years of blueprinting it.
Vladimir Putin is working for new Russian statehood. Many characteristics of his efforts give grounds for optimism--we hope Russia will be a free democratic country. There are formidable barriers on that road, however. Chechnya is the worst. Next comes the officialdom, with its bloated initiative and excessive zeal. Too many administrative officers are out to strangle free speech, especially in the provinces. They are to blame for prejudice which the democratically-minded community are developing against President Putin, while he vitally needs support from that part of the nation for his democratic reforms. Chechen developments and freedom of the media are the two reasons why liberals are accusing Vladimir Putin of undemocratic conduct and authoritarian trends.
As I see it, Chechnya and freedom of speech are on what democratic reforms depend the closest for final success.
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