#8
gazeta.ru
January 24, 2002
Berezovsky Strikes Opposition Deal with Yabloko
By Yelena Shishkunova, Alexander Kornilov
According to Gazeta.Ru's sources, the fugitive tycoon Boris Berezovsky has eventually realized that he is not able to create a strong "new opposition" force in Russia on his own and has therefore decided to side with the "good old" opposition that is well established on the Russian political landscape. Admittedly, Berezovsky did not have much of a choice. Most Russian politicians who previously had ties with the controversial tycoon, have tried to distance themselves from him, knowing that any contact with him can end in disaster.
Acting via intermediaries Boris Berezovsky has come to an agreement with Grigory Yavlinsky, the leader of the Yabloko party. For the cash-stripped party the deal could mean survival.
Following complicated consultations, Yavlinsky and Berezovsky have reached a deal whereby in the near future the founders of Berezovsky's Liberal Russia party will join the ranks of Yavlinsky's Yabloko. It has been agreed that Viktor Pokhmelkin, who mediated the deal between Berezovsky and Yavlinsky, will be made a deputy chairman of the enriched Yabloko.
According to Gazeta.Ru's sources, Boris Berezovsky began talks with Yavlinsky on uniting their political interests back in the spring of last year. However, it reportedly took Berezovsky much effort to establish contact with Yabloko's leader since the latter realized perfectly well the possible consequences that an anti-Putin alliance with the out of favour tycoon might entail.
Never one to put all his eggs in one basket, the provident businessmen Boris Berezovsky gave Yavlinsky time to think over his proposal, and in the meantime continued his campaign against the Kremlin, making loud announcements about a pending coup-dâ'etat that, according to the tycoon's estimations, would take place in the autumn of 2001.
Berezovsky also launched his own party-building project and founded the movement Liberal Russia, inviting defectors from the Union of the Rightist Forces (SPS) who had fallen out with that party's leadership over changes to the party's rules.
One of the SPS defectors is Viktor Pokhmelkin. In the SPS he held the post of deputy chief of the party's faction in the State Duma. Pokhmelkin announced his decision to leave the Rightist Forces in December, saying that he intended to concentrate on building the Liberal Russia party.
According to our sources, in the autumn of 2001 the tycoon's talks with Yavlinsky reached a deadlock. Reportedly, there were several reasons, but the key issue was the amount Berezovsky would be willing to spend on Yabloko.
The 1st congress of Liberal Russia movement was held in December 2001 at which it was announced that the movement would transform into a political party as soon as in March 2002.
But, it now transpires that all those efforts were largely aimed at demonstrating to Yavlinsky that Berezovsky could do without him and finally Yabloko's leader gave in. A compromise has been reached, even though the personal relationship between the two men remains rather strained. In the course of the past year, they have not met personally; all contacts were made through intermediaries.
Yavlinsky's move is quite understandable. Vladimir Gusinsky, previously the main financier of his party who for six years funded Yabloko generously through various ambiguous schemes, has lost interest in Russian politics after being robbed of his media empire and forced to leave the country.
Last year financial crisis, a number of desertions from the party and dissention by his deputies, who have been pressing for changes to the party's structure, led Yavlinsky to a breakdown. For several months he rarely appeared in public. But when he saw the party's ratings drop dramatically, Yavlinsky was forced to step out of the shadows.
According to many observers' forecasts, Yabloko still has enough public support to pass the 5% vote barrier, required for a party to win seats in the lower house. Yet, the risk of not gaining the 5% and being left out of parliamentary politics is nevertheless too high.
Berezovsky could now help Yabloko to establish better, more effective contacts with certain sections of the media, and thus win back support.
What Berezovsky has to gain from the agreement is also obvious. For him there is not enough time left before the 2003 parliamentary to set up a powerful and popular political party that could potentially secure the tycoon's' return to the Duma. To meet the deadline, Berezovsky has no option other than siding with an established party.
And it is obvious that Berezovsky had no choice other than Yabloko. All other Russian political parties, bigger or smaller, avoid him like a plague, aware that if someone gets too close to him, doctors from the Kremlin will be there fast to eradicate the contaminated victim as an especially dangerous threat to the public.
But the ever more desperate Yavlinsky decided to take the risk and eventually accepted Berezovsky's friendship. Last weekend the parties finally agreed on the price of the deal and the agreement was reached.
Of course, one cannot be 100% sure that at the next Duma elections Yabloko will manage to win over 5% and thus secure Berezovsky representation in the State Duma, however, it now seems that Yabloko is the best hope for him to salvage some of his political influence in Russia.
Reportedly, the deal will come into effect when the leaders of the failed Liberal Russia project -- former SPS members Viktor Pokhmelkin, Sergei Yushenkov, Yuly Rybakov and Vladimir Golovlev -- join Yabloko.
It is not yet clear when exactly that will happen, but Yavlinsky has already consented to Berezovsky's proteges entering his party and some of them, like Pokhmelkin, for instance, will even get high posts in the party leadership.
The only figure amongst the newcomers who Yavlinsky finds somewhat awkward is Vladimir Golovlyov. At the end of October 2001 the Prosecutor General's Office of Russian launched criminal proceedings against him on charges of extensive financial violations, allegedly committed in his pre-Duma carrier.
Upon the prosecutors' request he was partially stripped of his deputy's immunity by his Duma colleagues, charged and immediately summoned for questioning. The investigation into his past business deals continues.
But Berezovsky has reportedly managed to persuade the Yabloko leader to accept all the members of Liberal Russia.
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