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#10
Baltimore Sun
November 29, 2001
Afghan exiles in Moscow look anxiously homeward
Harassed and beaten, most long for return
By Douglas Birch
Sun Foreign Staff
MOSCOW - As Afghanistan's political factions meet in Germany to try to reach
agreement on how best to piece together their shattered country, hundreds of
merchants in a dingy hotel complex here are praying that the talks succeed. Over
the past two decades, Afghanistan has been stripped of most of its
professionals, civil servants and technical experts, people crucial for running
a modern state. Many are here, wondering if they should return.
Educated Afghans living in the West "are well off, they have legal
status, and their children go to school - you can't expect them to return,"
says Gullam Muhammed, the unofficial leader of Moscow's Afghan community. In
Moscow, it is different, he says.
"Even my 7-year-old, when she sees Afghanistan on television, she always
asks us, 'When are we going back?'"
Deprived of official status, harassed by police and increasingly preyed on by
thugs, most Afghans here say they have little reason to remain in Russia, where
many have lived for more than a decade.
"Of course we will leave, as soon as we find out that life is going to
be normal there," says Abdul Habibullah, a former army colonel who now
peddles key rings, pens and knickknacks. "We don't have any home
here."
For Habibullah, as for most Afghans in Moscow, life revolves around the Hotel
Sevastopol, a cluster of gray concrete slab structures dominated by two 16-story
high-rises southwest of the central city. In what were originally tiny hotel
rooms, exiled politicians, generals, journalists and engineers hawk cheap
necklaces, battery-powered toy cars, Turkish leather coats and, although the
sellers are Muslims, Christmas lights.
Bargain-hunting Muscovites bundled in winter clothes line up outside to pay
the 12-cent entrance fee. Some shoppers bolt glasses of vodka at the bar in the
lobby before jostling their way down the corridors, painted a purplish green, or
cramming into shops jammed with merchandise.
Presiding over this transplanted Oriental bazaar is Muhammed, a beefy man
with broad features and a hairbrush mustache, who once governed Afghanistan's
Kunar province in the Hindu Kush mountains north of Jalalabad. The 43-year-old
father of five serves as president of the nonprofit Afghan Business Center, the
equivalent of the community's tribal council.
The association, in addition to running the market, publishes a newspaper,
negotiates with the complex's Russian owners and has spent years trying to
persuade the Kremlin to release Russia's Afghan refugees from legal limbo.
It has been a losing battle. Although Afghan elders such as Muhammed have
managed to get resident visas, he says the vast majority are in Russia
illegally. Their illegal status means they can't send children to public
schools, are ineligible for state-supplied health care and are subject to
constant harassment by corrupt officials who know that the Afghans can't
complain to authorities.
In his second-floor office, Muhammed nervously watches a bank of television
monitors linked to cameras at the hotel entrances. With the rise in attacks on
dark-skinned foreigners in Moscow, he and other Afghans increasingly fear for
their safety.
Hundreds of youths, believed to be followers of the ultra-rightist Russian
National Unity group, attacked merchants from Asia and the Caucasus in a Moscow
market Oct. 30. After clashing with police, about 300 youths slipped away to the
Hotel Sevastopol. There, armed with iron pipes and brass knuckles, they savagely
beat more than a dozen Afghan shopkeepers. A 40-year-old immigrant died.
Habibullah was on the first floor of the Sevastopol with his 5-year-old son
when the assault began around 9 p.m.
"The hooligans are here!" shouted a man with a bloody face.
Habibullah dragged his son up 11 flights of stairs and locked his shop door
until the rampage ended.
It was only the latest in a series of escalating attacks on Afghans.
Habibullah said he was assaulted in a Moscow metro station in 1998. The toughs
broke 13 of his teeth.
A one-time officer in the army of Kabul's former Communist regime, Habibullah
thought the Russian government would welcome one who had fought on the side of
the Kremlin. But when he applied for residency papers, Russian officials were
unimpressed.
"They said to me, 'Why not go work for the Taliban?' And I said, 'To me,
the Taliban are strangers, are foreigners. I would be a traitor to my
motherland.'"
Afghans say police routinely stop them to demand documents they are
officially denied. By law, they are supposed to be fined $3 the first time they
are caught, warned the second and deported the third. Instead, they say, the
police demand bribes, often several times a day. Police even come to the
Sevastopol, some merchants say, to collect monthly payoffs.
Amir Shafikullah, 23, an Afghan without a residency permit who works in a
shop selling shoes and Turkish-made leather coats, said police often search him
and seize whatever cash he is carrying. Other officials can be just as
predatory.
"When a child is sick," Shafikullah says, "we call an
ambulance. And when they see we are dark people, they say, 'You must pay us $500
or $1,000 to take the child to the hospital or we will not take care of your
child.'"
Immigration authorities contend that the Afghans are partly to blame for
their plight. They use false names and destroy their passports, authorities say,
making it impossible to obtain accurate information on their status. Officials
say the immigrants fuel the criminal traffic in fake passports and false
marriages.
Leaders of the Afghan community say they offered to pay the Kremlin $10
million a year for residency permits for about 50,000 Afghans living in Moscow,
but the government refused.
"It is more profitable for the police to take the money from us,"
says Shafikullah, who wants to return to Afghanistan. "Life is so hard
here."
Moscow Afghans who are former Communist officials may not be welcomed home.
One thing most people in Afghanistan seem to share is a bitter hatred of the
Soviet-backed regime of President Najibullah, which was toppled by mujahedeen
rebels in 1992.
But those former officials say the jealous clans, tribes and warlords who now
control Afghanistan can't rebuild the country themselves.
"These local, wild people - they cannot settle it between
themselves," Muhammed says. "They are not able to create a civilized
state."
Others here share his disdain for Afghanistan's dominant factions. Omar
Nanagair, a Najibullah-era journalist on state-run television, calls the Taliban
and the opposition Northern Alliance "two sides of the same maniac."
Nanagair now sells shoes in Sevastopol.
Faruk Safi, a former Afghan mining engineer who helps run a clothing store,
is a big, beaming man in a red jacket who enthusiastically describes his
country's mineral wealth. He shakes his head when describing how untrained
Taliban have quarried precious marble with dynamite, ruining much of the stone.
Northern Alliance warlords have blasted emeralds out of mines in the Hindu Kush,
he says, destroying many of the precious gems.
Afghanistan has the natural resources and its exiles the expertise to rejoin
the modern world, he says. But he acknowledges that he has a more self-centered
reason for wanting to return to his native country.
"I'm nobody here. In my country, I will be wanted. I will be
somebody."
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