#27 - JRL 2008-69 - JRL Home
Date: Thu, 3 Apr 2008
From: Andreas Umland <andreumland@yahoo.com>
Subject: Comment on Tsygankov in Moscow Times/ JRL #68
The Paranoia Card
I think that Andrei Tsygankov's today article is a rather useful illustration
of how current US rhetoric on Russia can be perceived. It would be especially
helpful, if this article were reprinted in a major US outlet. Yet, there are, at
least, three additions that need to be made to Tsygankov's argument:
First, US "anti-Russian" rhetoric is not that particular. One can hear
similar voices in both Western and Eastern Europe. Tsygankov reproduces here a
common Russian allegation that the West's current "anti-Russianness" is a sole
result of Russia's recent "resurgence" as an international economic and
political factor, or even a pathological reaction to Russia's purported
"rebirth" as an independent nation under Putin. However, as Tsygankov should
know, much of the more competent criticism of current Russia comes from people
who not only know and study, but actually like or even love the Russian people,
culture and customs - not to mention the various Russians and half-Russians
among the critics.
What Tsygankov seems to allege is what one often hears inside Russia too: If
you criticize Putin, you are a "Russophobe". And if you are in favour of his
policies, you are a "patriot". Tsygankov apparently applies a similar logic:
Criticism of Putin's dismantling of democracy is emotional and unhelpful.
Ignoring such developments is sober and constructive. Yet, I am afraid, some of
those less critical of, or vocal on, recent Russian domestic political
developments, simply don't care about Russia and are certainly no "Russophiles".
They just want to do business as usual, and Russia to deliver oil, gas etc. in
time.
Second, Russia itself has created much of - what one may call - the
institutional background of Western criticism of her internal developments. It
has entered the Council of Europe, and transformed the G7 into the G8. It is a
prominent member of the OSCE, and engages with NATO in a special Council. The
fundamental basis of all of these organizations are, however, those principles
which Putin has violated repeatedly in recent years. Moreover, the Russian
political elite is mocking Western values by making up concepts like "sovereign
democracy" - a "democracy" based on half-democratic procedures,
pseudo-pluralism, subverted checks and balances, a government-manipulated civil
society, etc. If, as Tsygankov seems to think, "Russophobia" is the major
problem in Russian-Western relations, then Russia should leave the above
organizations. This would immediately cool down Western criticism of Russia. If
Russia were an international actor similar to China, Brussels and Washington
would treat Moscow like Beijing - a state different from ours, but one has to do
business with and should thus leave alone regarding its domestic matters.
Third, certainly, Western criticism of Russia has become harsh recently, and
is, I agree with Tsygankov, sometimes ridiculously incompetent. Yet, this still
does not compare to what Russia's most influential political commentators today
publicly opine about the United States and NATO, on a daily basis. Whoever knows
Russian and had the chance to watch Russian TV for a couple of days may agree
that Russian views on Western foreign policies, in general, and the US's role in
the world, in particular, are nothing less than paranoid. The bizarre conspiracy
theorizing that has taken hold of Russian public opinion nowadays goes far
beyond Western "Russophobia". The West is not simply criticized, but made
responsible for many of the mishaps of recent Russian and world history. In its
daily portrayal in Russian mass media, the US political elite comes across as a
bunch of scoundrels whose every word on Western intentions in international
affairs needs to be seen as a purposeful lie.
Much of what Putin has recently done to Russia's political institutions is
justified by this kind of discourse: Russia needs to protect itself from various
foreign agents, national traitors, and Western spies. An open political system
is not something that Russians can afford in conditions of massive Western
attempts to subvert the nation's independence and uniqueness. In the opinion of
people Gleb Pavlovskii, Mikhail Leontev, Alexander Dugin and many other
prominent commentators, Russia is fighting a hidden war with the West, and,
therefore, needs to become a fortress within which democratic niceties are
dangerous luxury.
The core of current Western-Russian misunderstandings lies at least as much
in this kind of views as in Western "Russophobia". In the unlikely case that
Russia becomes a truly democratic country, much of what Tsygankov laments in his
article would simply disappear.
Dr. Andreas Umland teaches at the National Taras Shevchenko University in
Kyiv, edits the book series "Soviet and PostSoviet Politics and Society" (www.ibidem-verlag.de/spps.html)
and compiles the biweekly "Russian Nationalism Bulletin" (
groups.yahoo.com/group/russian_nationalism/).
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