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Eurasia Daily Monitor
Volume 5, Number 156
August 14, 2008
THE RUSSIAN-GEORGIAN WAR WAS PREPLANNED IN MOSCOW
By Pavel Felgenhauer
Last week military tension in Georgia's separatist region of South Ossetia
escalated into all-out war. The Ossetian separatists were provoking a conflict
to give the Russian military a pretext for direct intervention. Late in the
evening of August 7, a heavy mortar bombardment of Georgian villages near the
South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali provoked Georgian President Mikheil
Saakashvili to order a major assault. The night attack by Georgian troops
outfitted with Western-made night-vision equipment flushed the Ossetian fighters
out and Tskhinvali was overrun in the morning. To stop the Georgian offensive
thousands of Russian troops with hundreds of pieces of armor invaded through the
Roki tunnel and rushed forward. Russian jets began bombing Georgian military
installations and cities (see EDM, August 7).
From August 8 to 10, the Georgian army was engaged in ferocious battles with
the Russian invaders in and around Tskhinvali. On August 10, the Georgian
authorities announced that they were withdrawing all their forces from South
Ossetia and asked for a ceasefire and peace talks (Interfax, August 10). On
August 12, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev accepted a French-brokered peace
plan, and a shaky truce was established. The Georgian army concentrated its
forces on defending the capital of Tbilisi. Tens of thousands of Russian troops
and over a thousand pieces of armor were relocated to South Ossetia and
Abkhazia. Russian troops moved out of the breakaway regions to occupy other
Georgian provinces in the West (Zugdidi, Senaki, and Poti), disarming local
police forces and destroying Georgian military bases (Interfax, August 13).
Marauding Ossetian paramilitaries and Russian servicemen went pillaging and
terrorizing the local population in and around Gori south of Tskhinvali (AP,
August 13).
Moscow declared that it was forced to go to battle by the initial Georgian
attack in South Ossetia (RIA-Novosti, August 8). But there is sufficient
evidence that this massive invasion was preplanned beforehand for August (see
EDM, June 12). The swiftness with which large Russian contingents were moved
into Georgia, the rapid deployment of a Black Sea naval task force, the fact
that large contingents of troops were sent to Abkhazia where there was no
Georgian attack all seem to indicate a rigidly prepared battle plan. This war
was not an improvised reaction to a sudden Georgian military offensive in South
Ossetia, since masses of troops cannot be held for long in 24-hour battle
readiness. The invasion was inevitable, no matter what the Georgians did.
It seems the main drive of the Russian invasion was Georgia's aspiration to
join NATO, while the separatist problem was only a pretext. Georgia occupies a
key geopolitical position, and Moscow is afraid that if George joins NATO,
Russia will be flushed out of Transcaucasia. The NATO summit in Bucharest,
Romania, last April, where Ukraine and Georgia did not get the so-called
Membership Action Plan or MAP to join the Alliance but were promised eventual
membership, seems to have prompted a decision to go to war (Interfax, April 3).
Before using arms, Moscow issued ominous threats. Russia unilaterally rebuked
CIS sanctions against Abkhazia (RIA-Novosti, March 6). The Kremlin-controlled
State Duma passed a resolution calling for recognition of Abkhaz and South
Ossetian sovereignty (RIA-Novosti, March 21). Vladimir Putin promised Abkhazia
and South Ossetia "not declarative, but material support" and announced that
Georgian aspirations for "speedy Atlantic integration" endangered security (www.mid.ru,
April 3). Russia's top military commander Yuri Baluyevsky threatened "military
action to defend our interests near our borders," if Georgia and Ukraine joined
NATO (RIA-Novosti, April 11). In apparently the last warning, Russian Foreign
Minister Sergei Lavrov accused Georgia of failing to pass a law forbidding
foreign military bases after Russia moved its bases out last November. Lavrov
linked Georgian intransigence with "Western plans to pull it into NATO" (ITAR-TASS,
May 5).
Material military preparations were made. On May 31, Railroad troops were
moved to repair the tracks south of Sokhumi to prepare the infrastructure for
the invasion. On July 30, they completed their work and all was set for major
combat in August, since later bad weather would impede an invasion (see EDM,
June 12, July 30). The West seems to have dismissed the Russian warnings and
preparations as bluff until it was too late. U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State Matthew Bryza stated in Tbilisi, "Now we know" the true mission of the
Railroad troops in Abkhazia (Interfax, August 11). He would have done better to
subscribe to EDM.
The main task of the Russian invasion--to cause a total state failure and
fully destroy the reformed Georgian army, making NATO membership impossible--has
not yet been achieved, despite all the havoc. More attacks and devastation may
be planned. Ballistic Tochka-U missiles with a range of 110 km have been
deployed in Abkhazia and South Ossetia from which they could reach Tbilisi. Two
seem to have already been fired at Western Georgia, according to statements from
Abkhaz separatists (Novaya Gazeta, August 14). A missile attack, officially
attributed to separatists, could kill hundreds, creating a devastating panic and
possible regime collapse.
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