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#40 - JRL 2006-218 - JRL Home
Central Asia: U.S. Helsinki Commission Concerned About
SCO's Influence
By Heather Maher
Copyright (c) 2006. RFE/RL, Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
www.rferl.org
The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe -- or Helsinki
Commission, as it is known in the United States -- held a congressional hearing
on September 26 to investigate the impact of the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization (SCO) in Central Asia, a region where Washington's strategic,
political, and economic interests are growing stronger. The United States fears
that China and Russia are pulling the region deeper into their sphere of
influence, to the exclusion of everyone else.
WASHINGTON, September 27, 2006 (RFE/RL) -- The commission chairman, Senator
Sam Brownback (Republican, Kansas), titled the hearing: "The Shanghai
Cooperation Organization: Is It Undermining U.S. Interests in Central Asia?"
A U.S. expert on the region, Martha Brill Olcott of the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, told the committee the answer is "no."
Venting Frustration
"The existence of the SCO will never serve U.S. interests, but it need not
directly hinder them," she said. "It's easy to criticize the SCO as a union of
nondemocratic states. But I would argue that these states are not bound together
by their common interest in keeping member states from becoming democracies.
They are bound together by a shared set of security interests and a shared set
of perceived risk."
Olcott acknowledged that the SCO's annual meetings have in recent years
become a forum for member states Russia, China, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan,
Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan to vent their frustration with U.S. foreign policy,
but she said the virulent anti-Western rhetoric that sometimes results is more
posturing than a reflection of actual policy.
In response, Brownback noted that the SCO summit in July 2005 called on
Washington to set a deadline for the withdrawal of the U.S. military presence in
Central Asia. The United States at that time had two military bases in the
region, one in Uzbekistan and one in Kyrgyzstan. That call reinforced the
suspicion, he said, that one of the SCO's underlying purposes is to weaken
American influence in the region.
Expansion Unlikely
India, Iran, Mongolia, and Pakistan are observer members of the SCO, and
Brownback told the committee that Iran -- who he called "the world's foremost
state sponsor of terrorism" -- wants to be promoted to full member status.
But Olcott said an expansion of the SCO is unlikely for several reasons. She
called the group's economic mission "ill-defined" and said until a more concrete
strategy is agreed on, the organization is not likely to add new members who may
end up competing with Russia and China for the rich natural resources Central
Asia has.
Within the existing group, she said, SCO members are likely to become
increasingly important economic partners for each other, especially in the area
of energy. Olcott said Russia and China are already competing for the oil and
gas reserves of Central Asia -- and China -- in particular, looks to the region
for help with its energy and security issues.
The mutual advantage the SCO provides its members in this area begins to
diminish, she said, if it begins to admit other large oil- or gas-producing
states like Iran, or states with large competing markets, like India.
But she added that because China and Kyrgyzstan are already members of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) -- and Russia and Kazakhstan have WTO ambitions
-- the SCO isn't likely to evolve into an exclusive regional trade organization
of its own.
Not Promoting Human Rights?
Moving to other potential spheres of influence, Brownback expressed deep
concern about what he said is the SCO's negative impact on democracy and human
rights in Central Asia.
"In a glaring challenge to the aspiration of the region's people for freedom
and representative government, the SCO's executive secretary has been quoted as
saying 'the time for color revolutions (in Ukraine, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan) in
Central Asia is gone,'" he said. "In fact, Uzbekistan's president, Islam
Karimov, has sought to use participation in the SCO as a way to overcome
isolation [after Andijon]."
Olcott responded by saying that China, at least, has little interest in the
domestic politics of Central Asia, except as policies relate to the treatment of
ethnic minorities like China's Uyghurs.
"This is the one place where the Chinese government has placed very serious
pressure on the Central Asian states to restrict the political rights and to
outlaw, in particular, the Uyghur groups," she said.
But she warned against a U.S. policy of trying to interfere in the
relationship between Central Asia and China.
China Behaving Thus Far
"It is not in U.S. interests to create chasms in the relationship between the
Central Asian states and China," she said. "The Kazakhs and Kyrgyz in particular
understand that there is no way that the fate of their countries can be fully
separated from that of China. For now, at least, China is behaving responsibly
in Central Asia. Beijing sees the SCO as a way to parry Russian influence and,
even if only indirectly, to keep the states from becoming exclusively European
in outlook."
As to the Central Asian states' relationship with Russia, Olcott described it
as "useful." She explained that the SCO provides Central Asian leaders with a
"buffer" they can use to balance Russian and Chinese influence in the region.
She told the committee that one Central Asian foreign minister told her, in
private, that the biggest advantage his country gets from membership in the SCO
is a way to "oppose Moscow" when there is a clash between his country and Russia
on a given issue. When that happens, they bring it to the SCO and it becomes a
topic for all members to discuss, which effectively neutralizes Russia's
position.
And to further allay the committee's fears of extensive cooperation on
security matters, Olcott said Russian suspicion of China runs very deep, and
there is a limit to how much security cooperation can actually exist between SCO
members.
"The security goals of Russia and the SCO do not fully overlap," she said.
"And Russia itself would be very uncomfortable with intelligence sharing between
the Central Asian states and Beijing, if all the SCO members were to share
intelligence. I'm sure some limited intelligence sharing goes on, but not the
kind of intelligence sharing that goes on between Russia and the Central Asian
states."
Also testifying was U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central
Asian Affairs Richard Boucher. He told the committee that U.S. policy in the
region is to treat all five Central Asian nations as sovereign and independent
states. The United States' overall goal, he said, is to support the development
of stable, democratic nations integrated into the world economy and cooperating
with each other, the United States, and U.S. partners to advance regional
security and stability.
That strategy involves three aspects, he said: fostering security
cooperation, expanding commercial and economic opportunity, and promoting
internal political and economic reform.
State Department Not Troubled
Boucher said the U.S. has been trying to forge ties in several areas to
Central Asia -- economic, security, and political -- and strengthen relations
between the region and Western groups like NATO, the EU, and the OSCE.
"We're promoting multiple linkages to the world in-region," he said. "We
think a country should never be left with one option, one market, one trading
partner, one vital infrastructure link. More choices for them means more
independence. More independence means more opportunity to exercise their own
sovereignty. And that's our goal for the countries of Central Asia. We'll
continue to pursue it by working with the countries individually and with the
multilateral organizations that share our goals in Central Asia."
Brownback asked Boucher about the SCO's "vocal opposition to the exportation
of democracy." Boucher responded by saying the SCO has a policy of "cooperation
without questions" by its members.
He said the SCO "gives them a club to go to and be happy with each other and
not face any criticism."
When Brownback asked whether this is an attempt by the Chinese to "get a leg
up on [the U.S.] economically" by not asking any questions of leaders who oppose
democracy and human rights, Boucher said he does not believe so. He said for
China it is "business as usual" to pursue its economic interests anywhere in the
world it needs to without regard for how a given economic partner treats its
citizens or runs its government.
When Brownback quoted a U.S. expert as saying that the SCO is "the most
dangerous organization Americans have never heard of" and that it is "more than
just an economic organization, the SCO is a potential Warsaw Pact," Boucher said
he doesn't see it that way. The countries of Central Asia, he said, have options
and opportunities and can get out of any organization just as they got in.
But when Brownback concluded by saying the SCO is worth watching closely in
case it takes an "aggressive trajectory," Boucher agreed.
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