Research Topics
Television
CDI Library
Press
What's New
Search

CDI Russia Weekly
        Issue # 81         December 24, 1999

Edited by David Johnson
The CDI Russia Weekly is a weekly e-mail newsletter that carries news and analysis on all aspects of today's Russia, including political, economic, social, military, and foreign policy issues. With funding from the Carnegie Corporation of New York, CDI Russia Weekly is a project of the Washington-based Center for Defense Information (CDI), a nonprofit research and education organization. To receive a free subscription, e-mail David Johnson at djohnson@cdi.org
 
Contents
  1. Itar-Tass: Results of Parliamentary Elections in Russia Announced.
  2. Moscow Times EDITORIAL: Yabloko's Poor Showing Merits ... Applause.
  3. RFE/RL: Sophie Lambroschini, Old Voting Habits Die Hard.
  4. The Globe and Mail (Canada): Geoffrey York, Kremlin gloats with triumph at poll results. An efficient media campaign strikes chill into the hearts of observers and critics.
  5. Boston Globe: Marshall Goldman, Man on the white horse. (Putin)
  6. Jamestown Foundation Monitor: RUSSIAN TROOPS ACCUSED OF TORTURING AND MURDERING CIVILIANS IN CHECHNYA.
  7. Interfax: Talbott says Russia breaching international norms in Chechnya.
  8. Segodnya: Alexander Koretsky, TALBOTT'S LAST WARNING. A Desperate State Department Tries to Prevent Grozny's Storming.
  9. Moscow Times: Pavel Felgenhauer, Russia Votes for More War.
  10. Voice of America: Eve Conant, YEARENDER: RUSSIA/WEST RELATIONS.
  11. AFP: Russia's Afghanistan veterans still scarred 20 years on.
  12. The Russia Journal: Alexander Golts, Russia plays with nuclear blackmail.


#1
Results of Parliamentary Elections in Russia Announced.


MOSCOW, December 23 (Itar-Tass) - The parliamentary elections in Russia have 
been declared valid by Chairman of the Central Election Commission Alexander 
Veshnyakov who announced the results of the elections at the Federation 
Council on Thursday. 


Twenty-six election blocs, 3,492 candidates put on the ballot on party 
tickets, 2,377 candidates from single-member constituencies took part in the 
Duma campaign, Vesnyakov said. 


As a result of the elections six electoral alliances and blocs have been 
elected to the State Duma. 


According to preliminary data, COMMUNIST PARTY has won 24,29 percent of 
votes, UNITY - 23,24 percent, FATHERLAND-ALL- RUSSIA - 13,12 percent, UNION 
of RIGHT-WING FORCES- 8,6 percent, ZHIRINOVSKY BLOC-6,4 percent, YABLOKO 
-5,98 percent. 


Veshnyakov has also announced a preliminary distribution of Duma mandates. 
COMMUNIST PARTY might possibly get 113 mandates, UNITY - 72 mandates, OVR-66, 
UNION of RIGHT WING FORCES - 29, YABLOKO -21, ZHIRINOVSKY BLOC-17, Veshnyakov 
declared. The number of deputies from the previous Duma who will continue 
work in the new Duma is 157, he added.

Back to the top


#2
Moscow Times
December 23, 1999 
EDITORIAL: Yabloko's Poor Showing Merits ... Applause


Suddenly everyone is tired of Grigory Yavlinsky and his Yabloko party. It 
seems they are elitist, and unwilling to get their hands dirty, and above it 
all, and perfectly happy to carp and do nothing. 


It can indeed be argued that Yavlinsky needs to work harder. If he were Boris 
Yeltsin or Vladimir Zhirinovsky, he would force his way into the public eye - 
by dancing on stage at rock concerts, or burning flags, or standing on his 
head. Perhaps it's time Yavlinsky loosened his tie and got a little crazier. 


That said, however, those who liked Yabloko before Sunday's Duma vote need to 
reexamine their frustration. After all, what has changed - except that 
Yabloko lost Duma seats? Does this taint Yabloko's politics? Conversely: Does 
winning Duma seats clean up the images of Unity's mediocrities, or make true 
liberals out of the Union of Right Forces? 


Yabloko was on board early and enthusiastically for a military operation to 
restore Russian rule over lawless Chechnya; then Yavlinsky suggested it was 
time for the politicians to take over from the generals and for peace 
negotiations to begin. The Union of Right Forces crowd literally labeled him 
"a traitor." (Very "liberal" talk indeed.) 


The voters punished Yabloko for this stance on the war. But they were helped 
along in that process by a black-out of Yabloko media coverage on state-run 
television like ORT - where, as Boris Berezovsky made clear on Wednesday, 
Berezovsky censors and crafts "the news" to put forward his political 
favorites and sink his political enemies. 


Consider: If Yavlinsky and Yabloko had said "yes" to Putin and "yes" to the 
war - if they had chosen the Right Forces path of collaboration with the 
Kremlin and Berezovsky - they could have won highly favorable ORT coverage. 


Yabloko has an intelligent economic and political critique of the nation, and 
has never been implicated in, say, the loans-for-shares oil company giveaways 
or the 1998 GKO debt pyramid scheme. So it would have been far easier to pump 
up interest in that party than it probably was to do so for Anatoly Chubais 
and Sergei Kiriyenko. Who knows? If the Kiriyenko crowd could win 8.63 
percent, a Kremlin-friendly Yabloko might have marched back to the Duma not 
with 5.94 percent but with 20 or 30 percent. 


But as Yavlinsky put it, he could not imagine trading a principled stance on 
the Chechen war for a few more Duma seats. Yabloko may be a long way from 
ever running the affairs of Russia - but itshould not be condemned for that, 
it should be appreciated. 


Back to the top


#3
Russia: Old Voting Habits Die Hard
By Sophie Lambroschini


The recent parliamentary elections in Russia have given analysts plenty of 
material for studying Russians' voting habits. As RFE/RL Moscow correspondent 
Sophie Lambroschini reports, many voters still seem to follow the old Soviet 
practice of turning out to vote for whoever is in power.


Moscow, 23 December 1999 (RFE/RL) -- In the Soviet days, voting meant 
endorsing the boss under the rubrique that resistance only brings trouble and 
doesn't change anything anyway. 


But today, with democratic elections a routine and frequent feature of 
Russian life, all that is supposed to have changed. Ballots offer real 
choices and parties with very different platforms rise and fall with the 
voters' favor. 


Or so it seems until one looks more closely at the parliamentary election 
just past. 


In last Sunday's elections, one quarter of all voters supported the new party 
Unity, whose only clear identity is that it backs the prime minister. The 
party -- formed just weeks before the election -- offered no program during 
the campaign other than vague promises to save Russia through the strong hand 
of Vladimir Putin. 


Other voters turned to the Union of Right Forces, which has a pro-market 
platform and was expected to barely clear the five percent threshold for 
entering parliament. But the Union surprised many by declaring at the last 
minute that it, too, supports the prime minister -- a move that seems to be 
behind its relatively strong showing. 


That surge in votes was all the more surprising because the Union's key 
figures include former privatization chief Anatoly Chubais, and former prime 
minister Sergei Kiriyenko, who was fired during the August 1998 ruble 
collapse. Both are widely regarded by Russian voters with mistrust or even 
hatred for their supposed mistakes and corruption. 


And still another quarter of voters continued supporting the Communist Party 
-- filing out to vote as they always have, perhaps from habit as much as 
conviction. 


Lev Ubozhko is an ex-Soviet dissident who was punished for several years with 
stays in psychiatric wards. In the parliamentary election, he headed the list 
of a minor party with a platform denouncing what he calls the "Sovietism" of 
Russian state structures. He tells RFE/RL that he believes voting habits have 
not really changed that much since the collapse of communism. 


"Under our [former] so-called social-democracy [they elected] without 
pluralism the regional party secretary, [they] applauded, and cast their 
ballots with 99 percent [approval]. The difference now is [only] that you 
have ten to fifteen candidates. But if there's an order from the top, from 
the government, from the governor, that they want their man [to be elected] 
then the whole administration will salute [and obey]. [Submitting to] this 
principle many go [to vote] without thinking. And then [there is] the older 
active generation that under the communists were executors. They were trained 
[to execute] forced to this, and can't live any other way. And the youth is 
very passive" 


Other commentators agree. Speaking on a talk-show on Russian commercial 
television NTV on election night, political scientist Igor Bunin said that 
the phenomenon is not surprising. As he put it, "a nation of subjects does 
not turn overnight into a nation of citizens." 


Bunin believes that Putin's electorate can be divided into two groups. He 
says that one is composed of people who voted for the party of the 
government. In 1995 they were the ones to give the former party of power "Our 
Home is Russia" (NDR) over ten percent of votes -- compared to one percent 
this year. 


But Bunin says Putin also attracts another group. They are voters who in the 
past voted for strong-image politicians such as Vladimir Zhirinovsky and 
Alexander Lebed. 


Another analyst, Mikhail Krasnov, Boris Yeltsin's former consultant for legal 
affairs, warned this week on Ekho Moskvy radio that the ease with which Unity 
swept into the Duma should be worrisome. He said the way Unity was boosted by 
Putin's and the state machine's support shows that, providing they were wooed 
in a well organized campaign, many Russians would vote even for the harshest 
regime. 


But not all observers are convinced that Russians still reflexively vote for 
the party of power. Eduard Brunner, an election observer for the Organization 
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), takes heart from that fact 
that the majority of voters in Sunday's poll did n-o-t vote pro-Kremlin. 


Speaking to RFE/RL, he said that although manipulation and discipline were 
probably factors in the poll, a majority of Russians seem to have made a free 
choice. He cites the landslide re-election of Yuri Luzhkov, a Kremlin rival, 
to the post of Moscow mayor as evidence. Brunner: 


"There are people who didn't let themselves be swayed by what they saw on 
television [in favor of the party of power]. Proof is [seen in the fact] that 
Luzhkov got elected with more than 75 percent (actually around 71 per cent) 
of the votes. 


And how one sees the way Russians vote seems to have a lot to do with whether 
one talks to a winner or loser in the race. 


What critics call passivity inherited from the past has been hailed by the 
Russian government and its supporters as the electorate's search for 
stability and consolidation. 


Igor Shabdurasulov, deputy head of the presidential administration, lauds 
what he calls Russian voters' sense of responsibility in ushering in a more 
manageable and balanced Duma.

Back to the top


#4
The Globe and Mail (Canada)
21 December 1999
Kremlin gloats with triumph at poll results
An efficient media campaign strikes chill
into the hearts of observers and critics
By GEOFFREY YORK
Moscow Bureau

Moscow -- The Kremlin gloated over its election triumph yesterday, but 
critics said the parliamentary vote was a disturbing demonstration that the 
Russian government's weapons are lethal enough to destroy any opponent.


By demolishing its most despised rival in Sunday's vote, the Kremlin 
strengthened the presidential chances of its favoured candidate, Prime 
Minister Vladimir Putin, now the clear front-runner in the race to succeed 
Boris Yeltsin as president next summer.


Sunday's results also give the Kremlin a much improved chance of wresting 
control of the State Duma, the lower house of parliament, from the Communists 
and other opposition parties who have dominated it for the past six years.


With 84 per cent of the vote counted yesterday, the Kremlin's newly created 
Unity party had captured a remarkable 23 per cent, just slightly behind the 
first-place Communists, who had 24 per cent.


It was a stunning performance by a party that did not even exist until three 
months ago. Unity had no detailed election platform, no economic program, and 
virtually nothing to offer voters except Mr. Putin's endorsement -- yet it 
soared to the top of the polls.


"This is a colossal breakthrough," Kremlin spokesman Igor Shabdurasulov told 
reporters yesterday. "A revolution has taken place, a peaceful one but a 
revolution all the same."


The results are extremely important for the presidential election next June, 
he said. "The parliamentary election clearly indicates the likely winner of 
the presidential poll: Putin."


The Kremlin's bitterest enemy, the OVR coalition, wilted under the pressure 
of a vicious media campaign by Mr. Yeltsin's television allies. It finished a 
poor third in the election, more than 10 points behind Unity, and may have 
lost its hopes of mounting a challenge for the presidency.


Although the Communists will remain the biggest party in the Duma, their 
influence will decline drastically. Mr. Putin could forge a working majority 
on some issues by cobbling together pro-Kremlin parties and other moderates.


The biggest loser in the election was former prime minister Yevgeny Primakov, 
who declared his presidential ambitions just last week.


His coalition, Fatherland-All Russia, known by the acronym OVR, had emerged 
as the biggest threat to Mr. Yeltsin's political supremacy in years. Many 
members of Russia's federal and regional elites defected to OVR. But the 
Kremlin's TV channels launched a ruthless campaign against OVR during the 
election and the coalition fell into third place, gaining less than 13 per 
cent of Sunday's vote.


The results suggest that the Kremlin can wield its political weapons, 
primarily the TV channels, to produce almost any result it desires. Most 
Russians outside the major cities are entirely dependent on the 
state-controlled channels for their political information, and Kremlin 
strategists do not hesitate to exploit this advantage to boost their 
favourite political parties and destroy others.


The channels gave vast amounts of positive publicity to three parties loyal 
to the Kremlin: the Unity party, created in September to siphon votes from 
OVR; the Union of Right-Wing Forces, known as SPS; a coalition of young 
reformers and liberals with Kremlin connections, led by former prime minister 
Sergei Kiriyenko; and the ultranationalist party of Vladimir Zhirinovsky, 
which cultivates a maverick reputation but in reality has consistently 
supported the Kremlin in key parliamentary votes.


The results were exactly what the Kremlin wanted. While OVR crumbled under 
the media attacks, Unity gained 23 per cent and SPS captured a healthy 9 per 
cent of the vote. Mr. Zhirinovsky drew 6 per cent and will remain in the Duma 
as a loyal government supporter despite his incendiary rhetoric.


"All three parties got a lot of administrative and financial support from the 
Kremlin in the campaign," said Andrei Piontkovsky, a political analyst in 
Moscow.


"Zhirinovsky and Kiriyenko were on TV screens all the time. This was part of 
the deal: 'You support the government and we give you the government's 
resources.' It was a cynical campaign, but it demonstrates the efficiency of 
the Kremlin's information technology."


Foreign observers criticized the media bias. "The pre-election period was 
marked by a campaign in which candidates and the media waged negative attacks 
on their opponents, often crossing the line to slander and libel," said a 
preliminary report yesterday by the election observers from the Organization 
for Security and Co-operation in Europe.


Government officials also harassed opposition candidates by intimidating them 
with "extraordinary tax inspections, administrative fines and criminal 
investigations that were subsequently proven groundless," the OSCE observers 
noted.


Nevertheless, they said the election was another step toward democracy in 
Russia.


Grigory Yavlinsky, leader of a liberal opposition party called Yabloko, said 
the results, especially the dramatic rise of Unity, are a testament to the 
power of the Kremlin's strategists.


"They declared, 'We can do anything we want. We only need a few oligarchs, 
several TV channels, and we shall do whatever we want. We can make anyone 
president; we can create any structure or any Duma, anything.' What we are 
witnessing is proof of that."


Although the Communists topped the polls, they failed to make any significant 
improvement over their 1995 showing.


Mr. Putin was the biggest winner in the election, although he wasn't 
officially a candidate. His popularity has soared as a result of his tough 
policy on the war in Chechnya.


"As a primary for the presidential election, it was a fantastic victory for 
Putin," Mr. Piontkovsky said. "For the first time, a majority of the Duma 
will be pro-government."


Because of the political benefits of the Chechnya war, Mr. Putin may try to 
keep it going for another six months, Mr. Piontkovsky said. "The war will 
become even more ferocious. He needs it for his presidential campaign."


Back to the top


#5
Boston Globe
23 December 1999
[for personal use only]
Man on the white horse 
By Marshall I. Goldman
Marshall I. Goldman is the Kathryn W. Davis Professor of Russian Economics at 
Wellesley College and associate director of the Davis Center for Russian 
Studies at Harvard University.


It could have been much worse. Four years ago the Communist Party of the 
Russian Federation (CPRF) and its allies won a striking victory in the vote 
for the Duma. This has allowed them to bottle up and counter Boris Yeltsin's 
periodic attempts at reform, including the revision of the tax policy and the 
introduction of incentives for foreign investors. More than that, the head of 
the Communist Party, Gennady Zyuganov, looked as if he might win the election 
for president in June 1996 over Yeltsin, whose standing in polls was 
originally less than 10 percent.


The result was quite different. It is most unlikely now that the CPRF and 
Zyuganov will play such a role, either in the Duma or in the presidential 
race. That is not because the Communist Party is any less popular than it was 
four years ago. On the contrary, based on projections, the CPRF won a 
slightly larger percentage of votes (24 percent) than it did four years ago 
(23 percent). The difference this time is that the like-minded parties that 
allowed the CPRF to muster a majority coalition of votes opposed to Yeltsin 
failed to win the 5 percent of the vote they needed this time to qualify as 
parties in the Duma.


This switch in votes is largely due to the enormous appeal of Prime Minister 
Vladimir Putin, an unsmiling, dour bureaucrat. Until last August, Putin's 
main experience nationally was serving as the more or less invisible head of 
the FSB, the present day KGB. Then, in response to a series of what were 
claimed to be bombings by Chechen terrorists (many Muscovites are convinced 
that it was not the work of Chechens, but a provocation by the FSB and others 
in the Yeltsin entourage) and an invasion by some Chechen guerrillas of 
adjoining Dagestan (also, some say provoked by instructions from Yeltsin's 
supporters), Putin launched a series of forceful attacks that pushed back the 
Chechens to the very door of Grozny, their capital.


Overnight, Putin became the man on a white horse that the Russians have been 
searching for more than 10 years. Under his auspices, the Russian army has 
shown that it cannot be pushed around as it was in the earlier 1994-'96 
Chechen war. As Putin forcefully put it, ''We will pursue the Chechens if 
need be to their outhouses.''


Taking advantage of this popularity, Putin in turn bestowed his blessing on 
the Unity (Yedinstvo) Party, created a few weeks ago by Yeltsin's staff. 
Unity, or The Bear Party, won almost as many votes as the CPRF. That is all 
the more remarkable given the fact that it has absolutely no platform, no 
organization, and, except for its leader, Sergei Shoigu, almost no candidates 
that are nationally recognized. Most are regional leaders who are not 
regarded as models of good government. The number two man in the party is an 
Olympic-class wrestler a la Jessie Ventura. But amorphous or not, when Putin 
said Unity was his party (he himself did not run in this Duma election), that 
was enough.


Even more of a surprise, Putin also endorsed the strangely named Unity of 
Right Wing Forces. This group consists primarily of economic reformers, some 
of whom are actually honest. This was a last minute gesture by Putin and 
probably explained by his long-term association with one of the more 
controversial and tainted leaders of the party, Anatoly Chubais. Chubais 
notwithstanding, the most promising by-product of this endorsement is that 
Putin has also indicated support for the Union's economic platform, one that 
most of us in the west would support.


But as is always the case in Russia, whatever good news there may be is 
tempered by some bad. At least two of the so-called oligarchs, Boris 
Berezovsky and Roman Abramovich, bought themselves seats in the Duma. This 
might seem more like a plot from Gilbert and Sullivan's ''H.M.S. 
Pinafore,''but in Russia a seat in the Duma brings with it immunity from 
prosecution and Berezovsky needs it.


Equally disturbing, this election demonstrates what control of TV can do. 
Under Berezovsky's control, the main TV network brutalized the leaders of the 
Fatherland Party, Moscow's mayor, Yuri Luzhkov and former Prime Minister 
Yevgeny Primakov. It turns out that Luzhkov in particular has a lot to answer 
for, but making accusations on TV is not the way to do it. The assault 
brought down Fatherland's standing in the polls from 30 percent to 12 percent 
in a matter of weeks and those votes redounded to the benefit of Putin and 
the Unity Party.


That Russian voters can be so easily swayed suggests that democracy's roots 
are still rather fragile. It also indicates that Putin, who now has become 
the most likely successor as President to Yeltsin, has more or less carte 
blanche to do as he pleases. What remains to be seen is which way he will 
steer that white horse. His support for the economic reformers is hopeful; 
his actions in Chechnya are not.

Back to the top


#6
Jamestown Foundation Monitor
23 December 1999


RUSSIAN TROOPS ACCUSED OF TORTURING AND MURDERING
CIVILIANS IN CHECHNYA. General Viktor Kazantsev, commander
of Russian forces in Chechnya, has predicted that his forces will
establish "full control" of the mountainous areas of the breakaway
republic in two to three weeks. In an interview published today,
Kazantsev also predicted that Djohar, the Chechen capital, would
fall to Russian forces in a short time without a full-scale assault
on the city (Krasnaya Zvezda, December 23). Russian military
officials have said that the capital will be taken in a "special
operation" which will include fighters from Bislan Gantemirov's
pro-Russian Chechen militia, and a spokesman for Gantemirov
said today that this operation would be over in a week (Russian
agencies, December 23). Russian forces, including elite
paratrooper units, have been fighting Chechen rebels around the
capital and in Chechnya's southern region. Meanwhile, Prime
Minister Vladimir Putin said yesterday that federal authorities
were encountering only "pockets of resistance" from Chechen
rebels and that the operations would be over "soon" (Russian
agencies, December 22).


Britain's Independent newspaper reported today that an amateur
video exists which shows Nikolai Koshman, Russia's deputy prime
minister in charge of Chechen affairs, during a visit he made
last weekend to Alkhan-Yurt, the village near Djohar where
Russian troops allegedly carried out a massacre earlier this
month. According to the newspaper, the video shows Koshman
upbraiding Russian army officers for the massacre and telling a
military prosecutor that there were eyewitnesses to it. The film
reportedly shows piles of goods looted by the soldiers involved
in the massacre. The Independent also claims that there are
photographs of victims with severed heads, which were taken in
the village following the massacre (The Independent, December
23).


Koshman's office today denied that such a massacre had taken
place, and cited the Alkhan-Yurt administration as also denying
it. Koshman's press secretary said that Russian forces had
demanded that the villagers expel Chechen rebels from the
village, after which they were fired upon, forcing them to
counterattack. The office confirmed that Koshman visited the
village last week, and said that Russia's military prosecutor's
office is investigating the incident at Koshman's request.
Chechen Prosecutor General Salman Albakov, meanwhile, said today
he had begin his own investigation into "the premeditated murder
of more than forty civilians in the village of Alkhan-Yurt," and
that the materials collected by his office would be forwarded to
the International War Crime Tribunal at the Hague (Russian
agencies, December 23). The BBC reported earlier this week that
forty-one villagers were killed in the massacre (see the
Monitor, December 21).


The U.S.-based group Human Rights Watch yesterday called on
the United Nations Security Council to appoint an independent
commission to look into the behavior of Russian military forces
in Chechnya. A representative of the group said it had the names
of at least eighteen people whom villagers say were murdered by
Russian troops. Human Rights Watch said that villagers were
killed when they tried to prevent looting, and that officers
from Russia's Federal Security Service had also tried,
unsuccessfully, to stop Russian troops from looting. For its
part, Amnesty International says it had documented numerous
instances of civilians in Chechnya being detained by Russian
forces and tortured in so-called "filtration camps" (Moscow
Times, December 23). During the 1994-1996 Chechen war, various
human rights groups in Russian and the West, including Memorial
and Freedom House, reported that torture was used against
detainees in "filtration camps" set up by the Russian federal
forces.

Back to the top


#7

     MOSCOW. Dec  23 (Interfax)  - The  Russian government is violating
international norms  as it conducts its anti-terrorist operation in
Chechnya, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott told journalists on
Thursday. The United States wants Russia to solve the global problem of
eradicating terrorism,  Talbott said after meeting with Foreign Minister
Igor Ivanov. However, Russia should combat the threat in compliance with
international legal norms, he said. This standard has not been observed
recently, he noted. Talbott expressed  the concern  that the conflict in
Chechnya could spill over into other countries in the greater Caucasus.
Ivanov reaffirmed that Russia  will respect the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the countries in the region, he said. Russia also gave
guarantees that it will refrain from intervention and interference in the
internal affairs of other countries notably Georgia and Azerbaijan.
     Ivanov and Talbott also discussed strategic security issues.
Considerable differences  persist between Russia and the United States
concerning strategic offensive weapons, he said. However, serious and
constructive discussions were held in the framework of  consultations on
the ABM and START treaties. They  will continue soon in the coming year, he
said. Military experts took part in the consultations, he said.  Talbott
expressed  his satisfaction  over the outcome of this visit to Moscow and
said he would brief the Clinton Administration on it. 


Back to the top


#8
Segodnya
December 23, 1999
[translation from RIA Novosti for personal use only]
TALBOTT'S LAST WARNING
A Desperate State Department Tries to Prevent Grozny's Storming
By Alexander KORETSKY
     
     Worried by the rumour of Grozny's storming ostensibly slated
for December 22-24, the West has, in the past two days, been
taking extraordinary steps in the hope to stand in the way of the
Russian military in their bid to rout rebel militants in
Chechnya's plains. Everybody appreciates that after Grozny is
taken, any talk of political negotiations would be senseless.
     Deputy secretary of state Strobe Talbott has rushed to
Moscow, formally for a series of consultations with the Russian
foreign ministry on the START-2 ratification, now in limbo, and
in order to clarify the sides' positions on the ABM treaty. 
     But there is every reason to believe that the real rationale
behind Talbott's trans-Atlantic trip is Chechnya.
     No American in his right mind, not even a secretary of
state, would leave home three days before the Catholic Christmas
and rush to the faroff Russia to talk of things that can well be
discussed on the phone. Talbott's children, who are studying law
in an out-of-town university, have come home for Christmas. In
fact, nearly all American embassy staff has gone home: traditions
are to be observed.
     Only the very naive would believe that Talbott has flown
halfway around the world only to bring Bill Clinton's Season's
Greetings to Boris Yeltsin c/o Vladimir Putin or, as another
rumour has it, to congratulate the PM on the elections of the new
Duma and lament that 1999 has not been the best of years in
bilateral relations.
     Also, one is apt to question the sincerity of Talbott's
words to the effect that the mass of troubles notwithstanding,
Russia and the US have managed to build a bridge of understanding
into the future, what with the unprecedentedly overt ban on
Eximbank's commercial loan to Russia's Tyumen Oil Company, or
TNK, which Talbott's boss, Ms. Albright, imposed yesterday. 
     More probably, the state secretary's decisive move has been
designed to tell Moscow that what Talbott is saying is better to
be heard. 
     In the course of his official and unofficial meetings,
Talbott has drawn the line: Grozny's storming. The newspaper
Segodnya quotes an American diplomat as saying that Russia is
advised to deal with Grozny the way it has dealt with Gudermes,
otherwise...the American diplomat's voice meaningfully trailed
off.
     However tough the pressure on the Russian government may be,
it does not have a very good choice of scenarios, which is
proven, in particular, by the results of the December 19
parliamentary elections. They have been won by a veritable "party
of war" which is convincingly supported by the absolute majority
of Russians. Many pre-election polls on the Chechen campaign have
been predicting this eventuality.
     The hardly expected victory of Unity and Union of Right
Forces and the defeat of Yabloko (the party has lost close to
800,000 formerly loyal supporters) may be seen in a variety of
ways. But the only conclusion is that Russia is hell bent on
revenge--whatever the price it, and Chechens, may have to pay. 
     No sanctions or threats are capable of stopping Russia--the
nation is only becoming angrier. Putin is well aware of this, and
therefore cannot stop the war machine once it has got rolling,
even if he wanted to. 
     Incidentally, Talbott has spent a half of his time in Moscow
trying to identify the new Duma's stance on Chechnya, above all.
Can Yabloko and Fatherland-All Russia team up to suspend the
military operation? Will Unity, a.k.a. Medved, or Bear, join
them? And what kind of people are there in Medved, anyway? How
seriously are the parties represented on the Duma, and the
parliamentary majority, above all, taking the West's rejection of
the methods the Chechen campaign is fought by? 
     It seems that throughout his stay in Moscow Talbott has
never said the word "sanctions." But it looks as if he has got
exhaustive answers to nearly all his questions, and these answers
have not improved his mood on Christmas eve.
     Talbott is leaving Russia today, having done everything he
could, as the wornout journalistic cliche goes.

Back to the top


#9
Moscow Times
December 23, 1999 
DEFENSE DOSSIER: Russia Votes for More War 
By Pavel Felgenhauer

 
Sandy Berger, the U.S. national security adviser, has announced that moderate forces will be strengthened as a result of Russia's parliamentary elections. Many other Western observers have also welcomed the election outcome and expressed hope that now the Russian military offensive in Chechnya will stop and negotiations with the rebels will begin. Many in the West, apparently, believe now that the Communist presence in the Duma has been reduced, the Chechen war has served its purpose. It's presumed that the Kremlin, reassured by popular support, can rein in the generals and act in Chechnya in a more civilized way. However, Western observers seem to be once again pathetically wrong about what is in fact happening in Russia. There has been no letup whatsoever in the Russian attacks in Chechnya since the pro-government "moderate" political parties swept the polls last Sunday. On the contrary, Russian generals say that they may take the Chechen capital Grozny in a matter of days and also occupy the mountainous third of Chechnya in three weeks. During the first two months of the Chechen campaign, the rebels did not put up much resistance. Today the rebels have changed stance and are putting up stiff resistance in Grozny and in the mountains. Any acceleration of Russian attacks will inevitably lead to very heavy casualties among Russian troops, civilians trapped in Grozny and in mountain villages. (Many Chechens have fled into the mountains to avoid Russian troops that have occupied the plains of Chechnya.) The Russian military has also stepped up bombing raids in Grozny and in the Chechen mountains. Because of heavy morning mists in the region, Russian military sources say that bombing raids are often performed at night or by high-flying heavy bombers through the clouds. As such, the continuing indiscriminate attacks are hardly - a "moderate" policy. Last Sunday Prime Minister Vladimir Putin got a vote of confidence from the people. Exit polls taken during the election in Moscow show that 50% are ready to vote for Putin as president of Russia. In Moscow the pro-government Unity party got much fewer votes than in most of Russia. It is obvious that Putin is today much more popular than the Unity party he supported. If presidential elections were held today it is conceivable Putin would take more than 50% of the vote and win on the first ballot. With so much public support it's inconceivable that the civilian Russian government is today a "hostage" of its military, or that Russian generals would actually "mutiny" if Putin orders to cease the fire in Chechnya. The only explanation of increased military activity in Chechnya after the Duma election is that Putin, in fact, is running the war, not a cabal of Russian generals. It also means that Putin and his supporters are hardly "moderates" or "centrists." The vote for Putin last Sunday was actually a vote for radical nationalism. The nationalistic bloc of Vladimir Zhirinovsky and the "reformist" Union of Right Forces did much better last Sunday than expected, because they unequivocally supported Putin's war, a war in which constant war crimes are committed by Russian troops and civilian targets are hit daily. The only party to call publicly for a cease-fire in Chechnya - Yabloko - lost heavily at the polls. Obviously, the vast majority of Russian voters believe that only a traitor would want to stop the Chechen war. As Germany in the early 30s, Russia is today split into two camps fighting for power: Nationalists and Communists, with almost no political middle ground left. And here today, as in the Germany of the 30's, the nationalists seem to be winning. Some people in Russia still hope that military setbacks and heavy casualties in Chechnya could change the mood of the public and roll back Putin's popularity. However, these hopes are dim. The present campaign, beginning with fighting in Dagestan last August, has, in fact, been a string of military setbacks and heavy Russian casualties. New disasters will hardly change anything since the propaganda machine that was once known as the Russian free press can spin setbacks into victories again and again. The war will continue and Putin will be declared victor in time for presidential elections. But President Putin may disappoint some of his right-wing supporters. Today Putin is ruthless in Chechnya, tomorrow he may transform all of Russia into a ruthless authoritarian police state like Belarus or Yugoslavia. Such a transformation would seem only natural for a former KGB officer, a nationalist and a person who may be one day indicted for perpetrating war crimes. Pavel Felgenhauer is an independent, Moscow-based defense analyst.
Back to the top


#10
Voice of America
DATE=12/23/1999
TITLE=YEARENDER: RUSSIA / WEST RELATIONS
YLINE=EVE CONANT
DATELINE=MOSCOW


 
INTRO: During the past year, Russia's warm relations with the West soured; with disputes about the Kosovo war, expanded NATO membership, financial scandals, nuclear arms treaties, diplomatic spying, and Russia's war in Chechnya. Moscow Correspondent Eve Conant looks back on a year that saw post-Soviet Russia's relations with the West reach an all time low. TEXT: Russia's relations with the West by the end of 1999 can perhaps be best summed up with a warning made by President Boris Yeltsin to the United States. Mr. Yeltsin -- during an official visit to China in early December -- accused the United States of using what he called a "language of force" with Russia. /// YELTSIN ACT - IN RUSSIAN - FADE UNDER /// President Yeltsin says -- perhaps President Clinton has forgotten that Russia has a full arsenal of nuclear weapons. He says that Mr. Clinton seems to have forgotten what kind of world he lives in. And, Mr. Yeltsin says -- it has never been and never will be the kind of world where the U-S president can dictate to the whole world how to live. In past years, the Yeltsin-and-Clinton relationship was one of bear hugs and talk of mutual understanding. By the end of 1999 things had certainly changed. Mr. Yeltsin's latest comments followed a year of U-S led NATO air strikes on Iraq and then Serbia, Russia's Slav and Orthodox ally. And, independent military analyst Pavel Felgenhauer says relations are going from bad to worse. /// FELGENHAUER ACT ONE /// Deterioration, growing deterioration, and especially on the public level. Anti-Western feelings have been growing in Russia since the financial collapse of 1998. Then came the NATO war in the Balkans and very serious upsurge of anti-Western feelings. Now there is the war in Chechnya and the Russian public mostly supports this war. Western criticism is seen as meddling in Russia's affairs. For public opinion in the West, Russia is increasingly a barbaric country that uses heavy weapons to hit civilians in the Caucasus. /// END ACT ///In a meeting with top generals, Russia's defense minister accused the West of stirring up trouble in the Caucasus to benefit U-S geopolitical interests. Soon after, several Caucasus nations and Turkey signed a U-S backed multibillion-dollar pipeline agreement that bypassed Russia. Analyst Pavel Felgenhauer says that after months of feeling ignored by the West as NATO bombed Serbia, Russia's political and military leaders were unmoved when Western moral interventionists, as he calls them, cried out against the Chechnya offensive. /// FELGENHAUER ACT TWO /// The result of this has been not simply a cooling of relations, but a very serious breakdown of international law over the last year. This breakdown of international law creates a situation in the world that is much more dangerous than in Cold War times. Of course, before there was confrontation in Europe and globally, but there were certain rules both sides adhered to. /// END ACT /// Some of those international rules Mr. Felgenhauer is referring to are nuclear arms agreements. Russia is vehemently opposed to a U-S proposal to amend the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty, which Russia regards as the cornerstone of all arms deals. Nineteen-Ninety-Nine also saw Russia prepare a new draft military doctrine, one which allows for the first use of nuclear weapons. The proposal has not been passed into law, but is another sign of Russia's intensified desire to be regarded as a tough, leading nuclear power. It was the year that Russia froze relations with NATO. One day after NATO began air strikes against Serbia, Russia's Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov gave his appraisal of a new Western philosophy that put human rights above sovereignty. /// IVANOV ACT - IN RUSSIAN - FADE UNDER /// He says that for the first time since World War Two, an act of aggression was committed against a sovereign state in Europe. Yesterday it was Iraq -- he says -- today it is Yugoslavia, who is next? He says the U-S goals are obvious -- to establish a political, military, and economic dictatorship over the entire world." The U-S embassy's outer walls would soon be spattered with paint and broken glass after hundreds of protestors vented their rage at what they called U-S warmongering and hypocrisy And on the financial front, 1999 saw financial scandals rock the West's perception of Russia. Americans were shocked by allegations that Russia laundered more than 10-billion dollars through a New York bank. An analyst with the U-S-A-Canada Institute, Viktor Kremenyuk, say the scandal embarrassed Russian officials, who called the reports a Western conspiracy to undermine Russia's prestige, but did not surprise average Russians. /// KREMENYUK ACT /// First of all, it was good that the Americans ceased to regard Mr. Yeltsin and his regime as guarantors of democracy in Russia, which was simply ridiculous. And secondly, it is good that the people of the United States have understood at least part of our problem. Part of the problems I hope they have understood is that we face an oligarchic regime, very corrupt, which abuses the law, abuses the constitution, abuses everything. /// END ACT /// But reaction to the financial scandals, tit-for-tat (retaliatory) spy expulsions, and nuclear brinkmanship seem to show such an understanding has not been reached. Nineteen-Ninety-Nine was the start of election season for both Russia and the United States. Russians voted in a new parliament that supports a war in Chechnya that the West strongly condemns. Average Russians say the West has let them down. And after a decade of following Western guidelines, the time has come for a strong-handed leader that will not compromise so much with the West, but will instead keep Russia's national interests first and foremost.


#11
Russia's Afghanistan veterans still scarred 20 years on


MOSCOW, Dec 23 (AFP) - 
Captain Viktor Karpukhin realized he was headed for a "special" mission in 
Afghanistan when he was issued his summer uniform in December 1979.


Exactly 20 years on, Karpukhin who headed an advance commando into Kabul and 
the other veterans of the 10-year campaign are still scarred by a war that 
cost 14,000 Russian lives, left 50,000 wounded and killed one million Afghans.


In all, half a million soldiers were sent to fight in Afghanistan and many 
veterans now feel excluded from Russian society, says the 52-year-old 
Karpukhin, who has been promoted to the rank of general.


"Many drink heavily, others have turned to crime," says Karpukhin, who now 
heads the largest veteran group, "Combat Brotherhood". 


Other veterans have been more successful in business however, benefiting for 
example from special tax exemptions.


Yet violent clashes within their ranks, such as a shoot-out which left 14 
dead and 13 wounded three years ago at a Moscow cemetery, prompted the 
government to abolish their privileges.


On December 23, 1979, Karpukhin led 38 soldiers of the "Alfa" anti-terrorist 
group, who along with 500 Soviet paratroopers, landed at Begram airport, next 
to Kabul, two days before 40,000 Red Army soldiers poured over the Afghan 
border.


Karpukhin's advance group was stationed in the Soviet embassy in Kabul, 
within close range of president Hafizullah Amin's palace, awaiting further 
instructions. 


"On December 27, we were ordered to take the presidential palace. We did and 
lost two men," he recalls.


"No one had ordered us to shoot Amin. He was killed during the fighting," he 
says.


The following day, Moscow's man, prime minister Babrak Karmal, took Amin's 
seat as president.


The chain of events which led to the invasion began around March 1979, as 
clashes opposed the country's communist authorities and Islamist fighters, 
leaving Soviet power split over its response.


"The people would never forgive us if we sent troops to Afghanistan," had 
claimed at the time Alexei Kosygin who headed the Soviet government.


But secret records of Politburo meetings now made public show how contentious 
the issue was within the higher spheres of Soviet power.


The hardliners's position was summed by then Soviet foreign affairs minister 
Andrei Gromyko: "We must never loose Afghanistan, whatever the cost."


Kremlin hawks finally won over as Islamist fighters claimed the military 
upperhand. They decided to send "a limited contingent to help Afghanistan 
under the friendship treaty" which bound both countries.


Soviet military leaders were issued with orders only on the eve of the 
intervention.


The first casualties were soon to follow. Among them, 44 paratroopers died 
after their transport plane ran into a mountain-side four hours into the 
invasion.


The Afghanistan war, or simply the "Afghan" as Russians refer to the 
conflict, is now considered a political mistake, but its lesson still divides 
Russian society.


"We have not learned from the war. The same mistakes are now being committed 
in Chechnya," says General Boris Gromov who led the Red Army's pull-out from 
Afghanistan in 1989. 


Karpukhin however disagrees. "These wars have little in common. Afghanistan 
was an ideological conflict. Chechnya is an operation against terrorists," he 
says.


Today, Russian soldiers about to be sent to Chechnya still train on 
make-shift sand hills their elders had used before them, but instead of 
representing Afghanistan, these mounds now stand for Chechnya's rugged 
mountains.




#12
The Russia Journal
December 21-27, 1999
Russia plays with nuclear blackmail
By Alexander Golts
Alexander Golts is a columnist for the weekly magazine Itogi.


Western capitals, especially Washington, D.C., made a show of not taking 
seriously President Boris Yeltsin's angry words during his recent visit to 
China. But Yeltsin's comment in response to U.S. pressure on Russia, that 
President Bill Clinton "has for a minute, a half-minute, a second, forgotten 
that Russia has a complete nuclear arsenal," could become as historic a 
statement as former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill's Fulton speech. 


The last year has seen a steady deterioration in Russian-Western relations. 
Yeltsin has discovered that his "friend Bill" and "friend Jacques" pay little 
heed to Russia's recommendations, whether the issue is military operations in 
Iraq or NATO action against Yugoslavia. 


Western leaders, for their part, are ever more openly irritated with Russia's 
frustratingly slow progress from totalitarianism toward democracy. The war in 
Chechnya has come as a moment of truth for both sides. The Kremlin interprets 
any Western doubts about what Russia is doing in Chechnya not only as 
interference in Russia's domestic affairs, but as part of a deliberate policy 
to weaken Russia.


At the same time, the war confirms Western suspicions that Russia is a 
barbaric empire, agreeing to dialogue only when it has the weight of force on 
its side.


In that light, Yeltsin's statement in China looked like a direct and overt 
threat. That commentators remembered former Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev 
with his shoe-banging and shouts of "we will bury you," was no coincidence. 
Sadly, the recent logic followed by relations between Moscow and Washington 
suggests that nuclear blackmail has indeed once again become a prime 
argument. 


Russia today has neither the economic resources nor defense potential to 
match the United States - which has a defense budget almost 60 times greater 
than Russia's. The West has far greater strength in terms of ground forces in 
Europe. Also, all Russia's combat-ready units are presently engaged in 
Chechnya. Add to this Russia's dependence on Western loans, and it's not hard 
to see that the Kremlin can do very little to bring the West round to its 
point of view - except rattle its nuclear weapons.


Russia's defense potential may not be what it used to be, but the military 
has come up with a new doctrine - the "concept of an expanded deterrent," 
which it has already proposed to the country's political authorities. 


In the past, the primary function of the Soviet nuclear forces was to prevent 
a nuclear attack from the United States. The deterrent effect was achieved 
through a careful balance of nuclear forces on both the Soviet and U.S. 
sides. The essence of this balance was that even in the worst-case scenario, 
Moscow would still have enough nuclear warheads to be able to inflict 
unacceptable damage on its adversary.


Today, Russia no longer has that balance of force with the United States. 
Around 70 percent of active-duty missiles have already reached the end of 
their guaranteed service lives. The strategic missile forces are still using 
these missiles, but everyone realizes that in five to seven years they will 
have to be decommissioned. 


That is why the Defense Ministry spared no effort persuading Duma deputies to 
ratify the START II treaty at the Duma's extraordinary session on the 
Russia-Belarus union. Under the terms of START II, Moscow would be entitled 
to enough nuclear warheads not to make the gap with the United States 
critical.


Russian strategic missile forces officers say that maintaining the tactical 
balance with the United States is not the most important part of the nuclear 
deterrent strategy any more. Head of Russian strategic missile forces Col. 
Gen. Vladimir Yakovlev said that 150 nuclear warheads are enough to destroy 
an entire country. The possibility of a single warhead managing to break 
through anti-ballistic missile defenses is enough to fulfill the classic 
deterrent function.


But Moscow is talking about an "expanded deterrent" and is brandishing the 
nuclear threat as a means of reacting to any perceived menace from outside. 
This raises the idea of using nuclear weapons in other situations than simple 
response to full-scale aggression of a kind the Russian army could not tackle 
by conventional means. Both the Defense Ministry and the Kremlin have a very 
broad view of what constitutes a threat to Russia. Using nuclear weapons as a 
deterrent is a subtle and dangerous game. One can only hope that those being 
blackmailed have strong nerves.

Back to the top


Back to the Center for Defense Infomation Site
Back to The CDI Russia Weekly Site