US Department of State
Foreign Media Reaction 
December 21, 1999
ELECTION RESULTS IN RUSSIA: 'KREMLIN WINS ITS BET' THANKS TO CHECHEN WAR 

Sunday's parliamentary elections in Russia stole front-page headlines and
triggered extensive editorial comment in European papers, which joined
others from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Canada in concluding that the
results, particularly the strong showing of the Kremlin-backed Unity Party,
marked a "clear victory" for the Kremlin and gave a major boost to Prime
Minister Putin's presidential aspirations. "The national card has proved
successful," judged a Berlin daily, noting, "Putin has now put himself in a
favorable position as an alleged guarantor of a strong Russia." Some added
the caveat that "whether Mr. Putin's path to power remains secure depends
entirely on the outcome in Chechnya." There was little consensus, however,
on the implications of the vote for democracy-building and economic reform
in the country. The majority of commentators tended to fall into one of two
camps: optimists, who hailed the outcome as "good news," stressing that
democracy is incrementally strengthened by each post-Soviet election; and,
somewhat more typically, cynics, who maintained that the Russian electorate
cast its vote for "power and war" not "liberal and democratic" values. The
"bad news is that the Russians let themselves be taken in by the war
propaganda," insisted a Warsaw daily. Still others expressed uncertainty
about the results, noting, among other things, the fact that Unity was a
quickly conceived party without an established platform. From Moscow,
reformist, centrist and official papers, for their part, tended to view the
outcome favorably, anticipating smoother relations between the Kremlin and
a Duma "loyal to Putin." "Communists can no longer dictate to the Duma,"
declared reformist Vedomosti. Highlights follow:


'GOOD NEWS,' 'BAD NEWS' SCENARIOS: Outside of Russia, post-election
assessments ran the gamut. On the plus side, some foresaw a new Duma "more
sympathetic to economic liberalism" and "much less Communist" than the
current one. A few argued that the fact that elections were held at all is
a sign that Russia is "making visible, if creeping, progress" toward
democracy. Many others took a dimmer view, agreeing with a Munich writer
that Russia "is pinning its hopes on military strength and backs chauvinism
and nationalism." Moreover, Italian papers lamented that the "unashamed
oligarchs" and "wheeler-dealers...will continue to have control over
Russia." In the end, several found reason for caution and for hope, as did
London's conservative Times: "That a pro-war stance should have so
galvanized this nation says much about Russia's current frustration and
belligerent nationalism.... Yet Unity's victory also marks the end of
Communist ascendancy in the Duma; from now on economic reform and measures
to give Russia a proper legal framework will no longer be hostage to
parliamentary obstruction." 


VIEWS FROM RUSSIA: Russian media generally applauded the likely arrival of
a "pro-government majority in the Duma," which, according to an official
government daily, "can do its job, making laws, without getting mired in
politicking." Reformist and centrist papers seconded this view, with
reformist Noviye Izvestiya arguing, "The Duma has a good chance to change
for the better, becoming more constructive, professional and effective."
Another reformist paper judged that the elections have successfully ushered
in a "new generation" of politicians who share Mr. Yeltsin's "values of
market economy, democracy and free society."

EDITOR: Katherine L. Starr
EDITOR'S NOTE: This survey is based on 72 reports from 25 countries,
December 17-21. Editorial excerpts are grouped by region; editorials from
each country are listed from the most recent date.

EUROPE


RUSSIA: "Multipolar Duma" 


Official government Rossiyskaya Gazeta editorialized on page one (12/21):
"One of the surprises of these elections is that the Duma, bipolar between
1995 and 1999, may become multipolar. For the first time in the history of
contemporary parliamentarism in Russia, there is a chance to form a
pro-government majority in the Duma, thereby creating an essentially new
political reality. In other words, the new Duma can do its job, making
laws, without getting mired again in politicking." 


"Elections Are Over. Have We Won?" 


"Who are 'we'?," queried Setlana Babayeva and Konstantin Katanian on page
one of reformist Izvestiya (12/21): "If it is those behind the throne who
had three-fourths of the electorate cast their votes for their governors,
the Yedinstvo (Unity) bloc and Prime Minister Putin, and approve of the
policy of the Cabinet--which pays pensions and wages and, more importantly,
fights terrorists in Chechnya--and, generally, accept the current
regime...without discarding liberal ideas, then 'we' have won.... The
leftists will no longer be able to control the majority. This is a great
achievement.... The new Duma, basically, is more 'convenient' for Putin.
But it is not HIS Duma. It is an assembly of politicians each with his/her
interests and can also become 'convenient' to somebody else." 


"Duma May Change For The Better" 


Otto Latsis pointed out in reformist Noviye Izvestiya (12/21): "After the
elections, the Duma has a good chance to change for the better, becoming
more constructive, professional and effective." 


"Reform Years Not Wasted After All" 


Sergei Chugayev said in reformist, youth-oriented Komsomolskaya Pravda
(12/21): "The decade of Yeltsin and reform, for all the errors and
compromises that have come along with it, has not been wasted after all. In
these years Russia has seen a new generation grow and choose the values of
a market economy, democracy, and free society, as shown by the
parliamentary elections. That is the chief accomplishment of the current
Russian president." 


"Reds Alive And Kicking" 


Reformist, youth-oriented Moskovskii Komsomolets (12/21) remarked
editorially: "Overall, the Communists have won two percent more votes than
four years ago. So the 'red electorate' is still very far from dying. The
question of who won, the rightists or the leftists, remains open." 


"Pragmatists Win" 


According to editor-in-chief Vitaly Tretyakov of centrist Nezavisimaya
Gazeta (12/21): "Pragmatists, both among voters and politicians have won.
It is not Putin or Chechnya. As seen in this country, Chechnya is the main
problem and Putin is a model politician who can and wants to solve this
problem. Had there been no Chechnya, there would have been another problem,
a touchstone for the leaders of various parties to test their skills and
desires under the watchful eyes of the electorate. Pragmatists are winning
in Russia. This is probably good."


"Communist Dream Hasn't Come True" 


Dmitry Kamyshev said on page one of reformist, business-oriented Kommersant
Daily (121/21): "It is certain that the Communists and their allies will
have to wait at least another four years to see their old dream of '300
patriots in the Duma' come true." 


"Communists Can No Longer Dictate To Duma" 


Reformist Vedomosti (12/20) front-paged a piece by Aleksei Germanovich,
Zoya Kanka, Mikhail Kozyrev, Sergei Kochetov and Anton Charkin:
"Pro-government parties have surprised themselves. For the first time in
post-Soviet times, they have won more votes than predicted. With
Otechestvo--Vsya Rossiya (Fatherland--All Russia) planning to split into
two factions, we are going to have a pro-government majority in the Duma.
The Communists will no longer be in command. What is more, the
non-Communists will have a steady majority to pass bills proposed by the
government." 


"Putin To Have Loyal Duma" 


Reformist Vremya-MN (12/20) carried a page-one report by Lena
Bereznitskaya, Darya Korsunskaya and Gleb Cherkasov: "Pro-government
associations have won a convincing victory in the elections. Putin, it
seems, will have what none of his predecessors had--a State Duma, with the
controlling interest in it not owned by his opponents." 


"Voters Fall For Government" 


Svetlana Babayeva and Andrei Kolesnikov commented on page one of reformist
Izvestiya (12/20): "Russian voters love to cause sensations. This time the
chief sensation is that the voter likes the government. All these years we
have been a witness to a conflict between the legislative and executive
branches of power.... The envisioned composition of the new Duma suggests
that we will see less of that conflict now. The Putin cabinet must find the
new Duma more easygoing. The representation of non-Communist parties in the
Duma is likely to grow considerably, which means that the government and
parliament will be able to work in concert. We are beginning to develop a
single, smoothly operating, and rather effective political mechanism to
serve us in the presidential elections next summer and beyond. It turns out
that Putin and his associates have no serious opposition today. Acting
'correctly' has earned them a pretty manageable Duma.... As for relations
with the world's leading nations, both champions of Russia's 'particular
path' and Westernizers may be plentiful in the new Duma. The government
will have to maneuver." 


"Losing Battle" 


Yevgeny Krutikov asserted in reformist Izvestiya (12/17): "In the past few
months Chechnya has emerged as one of the main 'playing fields' in the
Russian election campaign. The attitude to the anti-terrorist operation in
the North Caucasus has become an acid test of the political position of
this or that political bloc. Judging from the evolution of the views of
electoral blocs which have been lining up to pledge allegiance to Putin's
government and his tough stand on Chechnya, one could easily see which way
the Kremlin's position on peace in Chechnya was drifting. In effect,
Chechnya and obscenely crude and sleazy PR have been the only campaign
arguments. Nobody bothers to look at the socio-economic or philosophical
aspects of the platforms of the electoral blocs." 


BRITAIN: "Boris Bounces Back" 


The conservative Daily Telegraph had this lead editorial (12/21): "With a
power base in the Duma and rising popular acclaim, Mr. Putin is well-placed
to win the presidential election....


"The 'war party' may have sprung from nowhere to second place but, more
broadly, power has shifted from conservatives to reformers. Sunday's was
Russia's third parliamentary election.... Democracy has become a habit, and
in this instance it has brought a change for the better." 


"Power To Putin" 


The conservative Times had this lead editorial (12/21): "That a pro-war
stance should have so galvanized this nation says much about Russia's
current frustration and belligerent nationalism and the popular yearning
for a much stronger leader and rough solutions. Yet Unity's victory also
marks the end of Communist ascendancy in the Duma; from now on economic
reform and measures to give Russia a proper legal framework will no longer
be hostage to parliamentary obstruction. The prospect of a constructive
dialogue between the executive and the legislature in Russia is a very
welcome development.... Whether Mr. Putin's path to power remains secure
depends entirely on the outcome in Chechnya.... Western leaders, eyeing Mr.
Putin as the man with whom they must now do business, are urging him to use
his new authority to limit the current fighting and seek a political
solution. He is unlikely to heed their advice.... Russian public opinion
has become viscerally hostile to the West, and Mr. Putin could only gain by
being seen to brush off all forms of outside 'interference.'" 


"Putin's Day" 


The independent Financial Times editorialized (12/21): "There is both good
and bad news in the...election results. The good news is that the new Duma
is likely to be younger, and somewhat more sympathetic towards economic
liberalism, than the last one. The Communists may end up as the largest
group, but they are still likely to be in a minority in the parliament. The
bad news is that political liberalism has been sacrificed in the process.
The big victor was undoubtedly Putin, whose ruthless prosecution of the war
in Chechnya has won him a dramatic rise in popularity.... The only real
representatives of political liberalism, the Yabloko Party...saw their vote
slump to six percent, not least because he had argued for a political
solution in Chechnya. This was a wartime election, which saw the electorate
rally to the national banner." 


"Russia's Strong Hand" 


The liberal Guardian ran this lead editorial (12/21): "Good for Mr. Putin,
but is this good for Russia?... Russia has given a mandate to a war leader.
Mr. Putin could turn out to be a pragmatic leader of a peacetime Russia, or
the master of a market-driven authoritarian police state. His actions on
Chechnya do not bode well. The truth is, no one knows, least of all Mr.
Putin. The Russian electorate have written out a blank check, for which
Russia's dwindling democrats could find themselves paying dearly." 


"Russia Voters Back The Yeltsin Iron Fist" 


The conservative tabloid Daily Mail observed (12/20): "Russia's brutal war
in Chechnya appears to have delivered an election bonanza to Boris Yeltsin.
Its electoral impact--aided by mud-slinging on a gargantuan scale against
opponents in the dirtiest campaign since Russia launched its stuttering
democracy eight years ago--was there for all to see." 


"Russia's Painful Transition To Democracy Is Not Complete" 


The centrist Independent commented (12/20): "If these elections were about
anything, then they were about the division of the spoils of bandit
capitalism. However, it is a great achievement that the elections happened
at all.... There is much, and justifiable, cynicism about democracy among
ordinary Russians. But all is not hopeless. Real power lies with Boris
Yeltsin, and when he hands over next year, it will be the first time that
power has been transferred democratically in Russia." 


"Bleak And Bloody Russia" 


The independent weekly Economist ran this lead editorial (12/17): "A
paradox attends the parliamentary election in Russia. The issue that most
concerns people outside Russia--the war in Chechnya--is barely a matter for
discussion among either the candidates or the voters.... All the country's
mainstream parties back the war, most of them uncritically. Putin, who has
a beady eye on the presidency, has won popularity for his vigorous quest
for military victory.... That Russians are concerned about terrorism and
want to keep their country intact is also understandable. Yet in most
democratic societies there would be protests about the indiscriminate and
disproportionate response of the Russian army...and, especially during an
election campaign, there would be debate about how to end the war. Not, it
seems, in Russia.... What the current campaign has most painfully brought
out is Russia's moral and political vacuum. Russia is still far from being
a normal country. Its tragedy...is that too few of its people realize that
democracy and market economics alike can thrive only if civic values...are
nurtured at the same time. Neither the members of the Duma, old or new, nor
Putin or Primakov, let alone Yeltsin, understand that. Until they do,
Russia will remain horrible.... The main point of interest in Sunday's
voting is what it will indicate about the presidential election--and about
the sort of Russia that the world is likely to have to deal with in the
next few years." 


"A Grubby Spectacle" 


The independent weekly Economist filed this report from Moscow (12/17): "By
the standards of history, Russia's political system might seem to be
working quite well. Though rough and corrupt, it is genuinely pluralistic,
and the election will help to keep it that way.... That said, Russia's
election is nothing to boast about.... The voting will be neither fully
free, nor very fair. Guns (discreetly) and money (blatantly) matter much
more than ideas and party organization. As election day nears, the powers
that be, chiefly Mr. Yeltsin's family and cronies, are ruthlessly using
their position to scupper their most successful opponents. Their biggest
boost has come from the war in Chechnya.... The effects on the Kremlin's
fortunes are indisputable. For the first time in a decade, the Russian
state is doing something effective and popular, and reaping the benefits." 


"The New Nationalists" 


The liberal Guardian editorialized (12/17): "War and politics, always
closely linked in Russia's latest Chechnya purge, have now achieved a
ghastly fusion. The right's surging campaign for this Sunday's
parliamentary elections has become one with the military's vicious campaign
to eradicate Caucasian 'bandits.' Grozny...is the biggest prize and a
Russian victory there, if it comes, will buy more ballots with blood....
The Duma vote is in one sense a dress rehearsal for next year's main
event--the battle to succeed Yeltsin. This contest, too, is in danger of
following the authoritarian, chauvinist, anti-Western script principally
authored by Mr. Putin and his army cronies." 


"Russia's Choice"


The conservative Times editorialized (12/16): "The election has achieved
something by taking place. With every exercise of democratic freedoms, a
creeping normality asserts itself. The new Duma will be democratically
representative. But it may be no more amenable than the last to the
Kremlin, or any less hostile to the West. The Communists may still be the
biggest party, but their zenith has passed. The new nationalist mood is as
hard as the blows now raining on Grozny.... The election is of critical
importance. It will show whether Communism still has a future in Russia and
whether Russia's uncompleted economic reforms can, in the near term, win
parliamentary support. It will demonstrate how strong is the appeal of
authoritarian nationalism. It will also set the parameters for...the
electoral race to succeed Yeltsin."


FRANCE: "Vladimir Putin, Official Dauphin"


Veronique Soule wrote in left-of-center Liberation (12/21): "Vladimir
Putin, official dauphin, has opened a royal road to the presidency. As a
result, the fears of the Kremlin to see an 'enemy' who would call them to
account are gone.... For the Kremlin, the priority is to make sure that one
of its own succeeds Yeltsin in order to protect the interests of the family
tainted with corruption and scandals.... Six months in Russian policy is a
long time.... Public opinion is unstable and very susceptible to media
campaigns or manipulations.... Chechnya remains. Putin completely made
himself up on this war.... With this new Duma, Putin has gained a freedom
of maneuver. But the voters also rewarded the war. The former KGB officer
might well be tempted to continue to surf on this image: that of a strong
man who will wash out all humiliations, at the expense of Chechnya."


"The Putin Era"


Left-of-center Le Monde's editorial held (12/21): "In only a few months, he
changed the political look of Russian policy. He imposed a presidential
party with no other program but the war in Chechnya.... He managed to do
what his predecessors failed to do: create a party the Kremlin could rely
on in the Duma.... By starting the conquest of part of the empire, Vladimir
Putin took advantage of the national pride of his fellow citizens. He
showed them that Russia will no longer let foreign countries, the IMF or
Western capitals dictate its policy."


"The Kremlin Wins Its Bet" 


Laure Mandeville wrote from Moscow in right-of-center Le Figaro (12/20):
"Thanks to electronic media and the war in the Caucasus, the Kremlin won
its bet. Yesterday, at the end of an unscrupulous campaign, during which
all the dirtiest means were used, the Russian rulers managed a fantastic
breakthrough in the new parliament. So far dominated by the Communists, the
Duma might even become the headquarters of a right majority in favor of
Yeltsin's camp, if the partial results announced last night are confirmed.
This has never happened before in Russia, where the president has always
had to fight with the Duma." 


"Little Debate Over War" 


Pierre Rousselin in right-of-center Le Figaro (12/20): "Throughout the
electoral campaign, the political parties approved the air strikes over
Grozny, most of them without any criticism. If there has been no debate
over the cruelty of the fate reserved to the civilian population or on the
best means to end the war, it is because the Russians have seen in the
Caucasian adventure a way to recover their national pride." 


"Putin, The Providential Strong Man" 


Veronique Soule maintained in left-of-center Liberation (12/18): "Those
legislative elections were supposed to be a disaster for the Kremlin. They
might end up being its salvation. Thanks to Vladimir Putin and the war in
Chechnya, the presidential group is determined to get a decisive mark with
this poll.... Putin is surfing on the Chechen wave and everything seems to
be a success for him.... Putin's problem is now to manage to hold up until
the presidential election and end this war with a victory. The support of
the public opinion might end up being very fragile."


GERMANY: "Democracy As An Orchestration" 


Tomas Avenarius wrote in centrist Sueddeutsche Zeitung of Munich (12/21):
"The election campaign and Putin's previous governing have shown what kind
of Russia is forming. 


"It is a Russia that is pinning its hopes on military strength and backs
chauvinism and nationalism; a Russia that mixes up market economy with the
trading of privileges; a Russia that is becoming more predictable but not
easier to deal with given its clear anti-Western attitude; and a Russia
that is as far away from the democratic ideal as were the Potemkin villages
from Russian reality." 


"Nothing To Do With Democracy"


Centrist Leipziger Volkszeitung opined (12/21): "When the majority of
Russian voters gave their vote to parties affiliated to the government,
then they did so for two reasons. Since Putin was unable to present any
economic successes, he presented himself as hardliner in the Caucasus.
Second, the Duma does not enjoy the reputation of being a competent and
unselfishly acting parliament.... To put it clearly, after the Duma
elections, Putin will not scale down his efforts in the Caucasus, ambitions
for power have priority over expertise, and, moderate and reform-minded
politicians such as Yabloko chief Yavlinski still have hardly a chance to
be heard. All this has nothing to do with democracy. In this situation, it
is cold comfort that extremists...had no chance at all." 


"A Country Of Contradictions"


Right-of-center Stuttgarter Zeitung judged (12/21): "The big question now
is what aims Putin pursues. The Duma elections were only the test run for
the presidential elections.... Nobody knows today what kind of effect a
young unscrupulous Putin could have in the Kremlin. Will he plunge his
country into even greater chaos? Or will he, in the end, even be able to do
good and implement reforms? Russia is a country full of contradictions, and
Vladimir Putin is the expression of these contradictions. He can
cold-heartedly impose war on a people and, at the same time, support
reformers." 


"Reform-Minded?"


Centrist General-Anzeiger of Bonn noted (12/21): "The future Duma has the
chance of stearing Russia on to a real course of reforms. But some forces
of dubious reputation must now show that their commitment to democracy and
market economy is not a nobly disguised reach for power.... And...Vladimir
Putin will also be measured against this. Will he have the courage not only
to be tough in the far away Caucasus but also to fight the shameless
selfishness of oligarches and provincial leaders?" 


"The Winner Is Vladimir Putin" 


Left-of-center Berliner Zeitung (12/20) carried an editorial by Katja
Tichomirowa: "The winner of the Duma elections is Vladimir Putin. The
Russian premier won, although he was not listed on any of the ballots.
Unity, the party which he openly supported, reached 24 percent right
away.... The outcome of the election is worrying, because the result is not
based on the popularity of government leader Putin but on the popularity of
warlord Putin. Thus far, Putin has not distinguished himself with a
political platform but instead with military toughness in Chechnya. In this
unprecedented dirty election campaign, Russia's democracy has lost. It is
Putin's problem that the war effect will hardly last to the presidential
elections in June." 


"Putin In Favorable Position"


Right-of-center Dresdner Neueste Nachrichten argued (12/20): "The Unity
alliance profited from the elections, since it became the second-strongest
force out of nothing. On Yeltsin's request, the minister for emergency
situations set it up, but thus far, we have not heard anything from this
alliance. But the alliance is all the better when it comes to the rejection
of 'propaganda and lies' about the humanitarian disaster and the victims in
the Caucasus. 


"The national card has proved successful, and we must fear that this will
also be true after the Duma election during the much more important
presidential elections in the summer of next year. With the success of the
Unity Party, Yeltsin's pre-selected successor, Vladimir Putin, has now put
himself in a favorable position as an alleged guarantor of a strong Russia." 


"War And Elections Are Inseparable"


Werner Adam opined in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
(12/17): "In Berlin, Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov used diplomatic words
and only repeated what the Kremlin and its military officials said to
counter Western criticism of the war in Chechnya.... But it is not only
Ivanov who is in an unfavorable situation. It must also worry Russia's
Premier Putin that, three days before the Duma elections, the Russian
forces obviously suffered considerable losses when they tried to capture
Grozny. Putin, who is celebrated by many of his compatriots as the supreme
commander and for whom the parliamentary elections are a popularity test
before the presidential elections, is running the risk of losing the race
for the rule in the Kremlin if he suffers further setbacks. Although
Foreign Minister Ivanov...rejected any link between the Chechen war and the
elections, they cannot be separated from each other. And this will remain
so until the die for Yeltsin's successor have been cast." 


ITALY: "Not A Reassuring View" 


Sandro Viola commented on the front-page of left-leaning, influential La
Repubblica (12/21): "Seen from the West, Russian electoral results might
seem reassuring.... However, we should ask ourselves with what means and
men--and at what political cost--such a rapid success was made possible....
The first answer is that the Kremlin and its strategists sparked, with
operations in Chechnya, a much more important war for them: the war to
replace Yeltsin.... Indeed, these results were obtained...thanks to the
same methods through which a greedy and unashamed oligarchy has governed
Russia in recent years.... So, if from these results we are to begin seeing
the 'post-Yeltsin' era, we must say that this is not a reassuring view." 


"Yeltsin's Second Life" 


Giulietto Chiesa maintained on the front page of centrist, influential La
Stampa (12/21): "What happened?... Vladimir Putin, the premier 'who won the
war' becomes the hero of voters who want to seek revenge, a compensation, a
vindication of all 'humiliations' during the post-Communist years. He does
not have any program, nobody knows his virtues and defects.... Yeltsin will
be able to retire leaving his 'family' in power...and up until the
presidential elections in June 2000, the war in Chechnya will be used as a
means to conduct an electoral campaign. Yeltsin and his aides have gained
the continuation of the regime. It is an astonishing victory, from which
the West...should best keep itself at a respectful distance." 


"A More Reliable Duma Is Born" 


Ugo Tramballi argued in leading, business Il Sole-24 Ore (12/21): "We
should not be surprised to see that the country is led by former spies...or
be outraged by the election use of a war.... Today's Russia is a
kleptocracy, which is still slightly better than when it was an ideological
dictatorship.... But if we try to look ahead, there is now a more reliable
Duma than the previous one. There will be fewer chauvinists and more
liberals and more reformers.... There will be more Communists than
before...but even the Communists are no longer the same.... For many years
to come, Russia will remain an ambiguous and huge object in the middle of
the Euro-Asian continent.... Corruption will continue and at the first
opportunity there will be another Chechnya. But in the meantime, Russia is
changing." 


"In Russia The Olive-Tree Of The Steppes Was Defeated" 


Alberto Pasolini Zanelli front-paged this comment in leading, conservative,
opposition Il Giornale (12/21): "It is an historic result: It marks the end
of the domination of the nostalgia for the totalitarian system.... In the
next parliamentary session the reformist president...will also have a
legislative branch in tune with his ideas.... It is an exciting result
which opens the door to the best outcome of the more important elections in
June, since it guarantees continuity with Yeltsin's 'revolution.'"


"Yeltsin's Revenge" 


Alberto Stabile filed from Moscow in left-leaning, influential La
Repubblica (12/20): "If final results confirm the first official
projections, what will emerge from the Russian elections...is a clear
success of the pro-government centrist coalition and an unexpected success
of the liberal right led by a group of young reformists.... We can conclude
that a large number of Russian voters have indicated their desire to
continue with the economic and social reforms begun by Yeltsin nine years
ago.... These elections have an extremely important political meaning in
view of the decisive battle for Russia's future: the presidential elections
on June 4, 2000.... As things stand now, the success of the reformist front
automatically turns into formidable support for the man chosen by Yeltsin
as his successor, Putin.... Russia...still has a long way to go before the
future of this country becomes strongly linked to democratic
prospects...but the fact that these elections have taken place is, per se,
a positive fact." 


"Between War And Reforms" 


Franco Venturini judged on the front page of centrist, top-circulation
Corriere della Sera (12/20): "If the trend expressed yesterday by the
Russian voters were determinant, in six months Vladimir Putin would become
president and Sergeij Kiriyenko would occupy the prime minister's seat....
The next Russian parliament is likely to be closer to the Kremlin than the
outgoing one.... Notwithstanding all his problems, Czar Boris will perhaps
drink a toast to this result. But for the West this is not the time to
celebrate yet. Strong support for the war in Chechnya has in fact been
expressed by the voters, and the continuation of the electoral season in
Russia makes changes of direction by Moscow unlikely.... The young
reformist leaders know very well how important a good relationship with the
West is, but, in order to move, they have to wait for the decisive
electoral test in June.... Six months of big political maneuvers,
predictable television lynching, and an anxious search for new alliances
are beginning in Moscow. The new Russia will have to wait. But the voters
have at least indicated a direction, and that would be the most promising
if, in their desire for change, they were able to realize that progress and
respect of civil rights are inseparable sides of the same medal." 


"A More Credible Democracy" 


In pro-DS (leading government party) L'Unita' (12/20), Marcello Foa, in
addition to opining that the Russia emerging from the elections is "much
less Communist, much more pro-Yeltsin and, most of all, much more liberal,"
noted: "One of the negative aspects yesterday was that the elections have
laid the bases for an extension of the dominion of the Yeltsin clan.... All
of the moguls and the wheeler-dealers who have become rich, often with
questionable methods, since the fall of the USSR, will continue to have
control over Russia.... That is not a reassuring prospect. Rejoicing about
the success of liberals and democrats is premature to say the least." 


BELGIUM: "And Now, Reforms, Or Another Dirty War?" 


Pol Mathil editorialized in independent Le Soir (12/21): "The outcome of
the elections confirms that the joint strategy of the Kremlin and of...the
White House was the right one.... 


"The success of Putin's Unity--as well as the arrival of several reformers
at the Duma--means that the Clinton-Yeltsin tandem's bet to extend the
current Russian regime and to stabilize Russia with Putin after Yeltsin's
departure was plausible. The two presidents, each for different reasons,
are convinced that, despite its corruption and its cynicism...this regime
is better for Russia and for the world than the alternative, i.e. a
probable leftist Communist and post-Communist coalition.... The question is
to find out whether, to appeal to voters, Putin will at last propose a
program of credible reforms or whether he will need another dirty war." 


"At Last Some Good News From Moscow" 


Philippe Paquet wrote in conservative Catholic La Libre Belgique (12/21):
"For the first time since the end of the USSR, Russia seems governable. Of
course, one can regret that democracy, as it is being practiced in Moscow
these days, puts the Communist Party and Unity on the same footing. The
first includes all those who long for the return of a regime which no one
should normally regret. The platform of the second, which is hardly
three-month-old, is limited to supporting the prime minister, who himself
has the 'extermination of the Chechen terrorists' as sole program. And if
one adds the parliamentary privileges which candidates like Messrs.
Berezovski and Abramovitch went to get in the Caucasus or in an Eskimo
region, one does not have many illusions on the political maturity of the
Russian society. However, one should not under-estimate the progress in a
country which invented the 'Stalinist vote.'" 


"No Milestone In Democracy" 


VRT correspondent Johan Depoortere observed in independent Catholic De
Standaard (12/20): "Despite an extremely dirty election campaign, the
Russians went to the ballot box en masse to elect a new parliament....
There is little doubt that the Communists, who now dominate the Duma with
157 seats out of 550, will remain the largest party.... The next Duma will
be an instrument that is still easier to manipulate than the current one.
The Communist-nationalist bloc went to the electorate with too much
division. The political center is divided by the Kremlin strategy.... The
Kremlin's successful strategy will probably serve the short-term interests
of the Yeltsin clan, but it will certainly not benefit Russian democracy."


BULGARIA: "Russian Roulette"


Center-left Sega held (12/21): "The elections are a serious indication of
the scenario to be played out at the upcoming presidential elections. This
will most likely be the 1996 version--'the leftists'--(Zyuganov and
Primakov who will unite their votes in the end) against the 'party of
power' (Putin).... Because of the war in Chechnya, the IMF and the West
continue to reject Russia's applications for new loans. And if this war
does not produce the expected results soon, its effect will soon be
transformed into a negative. After all, six months is a long time,
especially in Russia." 


"Dirty Tricks" 


Second-largest circulation 24 Hours held (12/20): "In the modest history of
Russian democracy these elections will be remembered for dirty tricks,
which shocked even Russia.... The big fight is scheduled for next year,
when the motto will be 'Everyone against Putin.' By then the Chechnya
trump-card will no longer be so powerful."


"A Different Duma" 


Left-leaning Monitor (12/18) commented: "The end of the election campaign
in Russia last week proved that the new lower chamber of parliament will be
different from the last contentious Duma. The new Duma will be more
pragmatic, but also easily controlled by the Kremlin and the president's
circle." 


CROATIA: "Russia's Stalemate"


Bogoljub Lacmanovic commented in government-controlled Vjesnik (12/21):
"Russia's war in Chechnya has had, without any doubt, a significant
influence on the electorate.... It is also without any doubt that in the
newly elected parliament, Yeltsin and his Prime Minister Putin will have
stronger backing than in the former Duma. However, it is already clear
that...no party or coalition will have a majority in the new Duma. The
Communists and the parties loyal to the Kremlin will control one third of
the Duma each, meaning that the political stalemate in Russia will
continue, since each of these political blocs can block the passing of
important legislature and decisions." 


DENMARK: "Way Open For Reforms"


Apolitical Børsen noted (12/21): "Despite Russia's brutal war in Chechnya
and what was, to some extent, an unfair election, the new Duma appears to
be moving in the right direction. The way appears open to carry through the
reforms that have faltered over the last ten years." 


"A Strong Man"


Center-right Berlingske Tidende commented (12/21): "During the election
campaign, the Kremlin managed to shift the focus of public debate away from
social stability and to the need for a strong country led by a strong man.
When this has occurred in Russia before, the results have been terrible." 


"Worrying"


Left-wing Information opined (12/21): "Despite the fact that the Russian
election appears to have opened up for political cooperation, it is
worrying that the electorate chose to support the nationalist center
parties. How many Chechens must die before Prime Minister Putin will be
able to call himself President Putin?" 


HUNGARY: "Opting For Change" 


Laszlo Daroczi stated in right-of-center Napi Magyarorszag (12/21): "Among
other lessons, one of the messages of the [Russian] elections is definitely
that Russian society--even if there is still a palpable nostalgia in
certain circles--wants no more of the past, it opts for change, and would
even trust building a better future to fresh, young forces."


LATVIA: "Russian Electorate Voted For Power And War"


George Shabad, president of the Baltic News Service, wrote this piece for
leading Diena (12/21): "For the first time ever, parliamentary change in
Russia has occurred naturally.... Looking at the preliminary results, one
may think that the Communists and their allies have lost.... But there is
something that prevents us from claiming that there has been a turn from
totalitarianism to democracy in Russia. Actually, the mentality of the
Russian voter has not changed. He knows nothing about liberal and
democratic values, the ideals of freedom and human rights are foreign to
him. Those Russian voters who did not vote for Communists...voted for
power. Power in and of itself; independent of ideology.... Maybe one can
say that the voters cast their ballots not so much for 'a power party' but
more for a long-awaited 'strong hand' that they saw in the Prime Minister
Putin." 


FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: ""Red's' Pyrrhic Victory" 


Sasho Mitrov wrote in independent, liberal Makedonija Denes (12/21):
"'Victors' can take solace in the fact that the real fight for power in
Russia is yet to come at the presidential elections next year. However,
Vladimir Putin, the 'hero' of the now certain victory in Chechnya, will be
waiting for them." 


NORWAY: "Russia Chooses Putin And Reform" 


Newspaper-of-record Aftenposten commented (12/21): "The election is a
victory for the former KGB agent Putin. His war against what are called
'terrorists' in Chechnya is popular among the Russians.... If the final
election results confirm that Yeltsin and Putin now can have new laws more
easily approved in the Duma, the reform work may have a new impetus....
Vladimir Putin...is on his way to become Russia's next elected czar."


POLAND: "The Kremlin And The White House" 


Leopold Unger wrote in liberal Gazeta Wyborcza (12/21): "For the first time
since the Yeltsin era, the Russians opted for the pro-Kremlin Duma--and the
Kremlin-led war. The outcome of Russian elections includes good and bad
news. Good news is that the elections occurred--and occurred as
scheduled.... Bad news is that the Russians let themselves be taken in by
the war propaganda. War is not a democratic election program.... The
outcome of the elections is a success of strategies of joint forces of the
Kremlin and the White House. Paradox? Only on the surface. Both for Yeltsin
and Clinton, the elections were a general test for the presidential
elections.... Yeltsin and Clinton believe, though for different reasons,
that despite corruption and cynicism this system is better for Russia and
the world than Communists, or Luzhkov, or Primakov.... The main question,
however, is not what kind of Duma and what kind of president, but what for?
In order to win in the next elections, will it suffice for Putin to have a
program of reform or will he need another war?" 


"The Kremlin Turns Out Certain Winner" 


Slawomir Popowski judged in centrist Rzeczpospolita (12/20): "The
preliminary outcome of the elections...suggesting a victory for the
pro-Kremlin party, Unity, created a sensation. But even if--as it was
anticipated--Communists ultimately emerged as winners, such high support
for the Unity and the Union of Right Forces is a big surprise. It would
prove there is a change of mood and herald a substantial reconstruction of
Russia's political scene.... It is a fact that Communists, who so far have
had a dominant position in Russian parliament, have been deprived of their
deciding voice." 


"The Electoral Russia" 


Joanna Strzelczyk opined in right-of-center Zycie (12/20): "It turned out
that two most popular parties in the elections are Communists and Unity.
Why? As usual, Communists criticized Yeltsin for disrupting the USSR and
bringing Russia down from the position of superpower. Unity, established in
the wake of public support for the Chechnya war, propagated the necessity
to crack down on the 'terrorists.'... Both parties, although in different
ways, satisfy a [public] yearning for a great and strong Russia."


SPAIN: "Yeltsin's Victory"


Barcelona's centrist La Vanguardia concluded (12/21): "Six months before
the next presidential elections, Yeltsin...has pulled another one out of
the hat. He was the first Russian president to be democratically elected in
a thousand years of history, then re-elected, and now appears on the way to
putting his hand-picked successor in office.... 


"In the process, Putin has become not only Yeltsin's candidate, but the
candidate of the reform parties as well. Yeltsin's Russia is hardly the
best of all possible worlds, but the West and Russian reformers continue to
view it as the least of all possible evils." 


"Russia: Ballots And Bullets"


Conservative ABC commented (12/20): "The political use of war is hardly the
preserve of authoritarian regimes. History demonstrates that democracies
have done the same. But those are aberrations, not models to be followed.
This is what Yeltsin, and the now extremely popular Putin...have failed to
understand. Ballots and bullets don't mix, and the spectacle of a country
in the midst of a political, economic and moral crisis turning out to vote,
while at the same time a pitched battle is taking place in one of its major
cities, is hardly an encouraging one."


"War In Chechnya Revives Yeltsin"


Independent El Mundo observed (12/20): "Yesterday's election results have
given Yeltsin and his protege, Putin, a clear victory, something they could
hardly imagine a few weeks ago.... They owe their victory to the implacable
and inhumane war they waged in Chechnya that cost the lives of more than
1,000 Russian soldiers, whose blood has been spilled for the cause of their
success at the ballot box."


SLOVENIA: "The War Has Won The Elections: The Kremlin Is Pleased" 


Left-of-center Delo observed (12/21): "The outcome of the parliamentary
elections proved that everything can be achieved with skillful political
maneuvering. The Kremlin's virtual political party, the Bear--which has had
no program and no background--has become one of the most influential
parties in the Duma. The formula for a victory by the Kremlin's regime in
presidential elections in June 2000 is more or less known. Putin and
Zyuganov must come to the second round. Primakov must remain out of it.
Such an outcome is tragic for Russia. Particularly because the war in
Chechnya turned the scales. Without this bloodshed, the Bear would hardly
get the five percent of votes necessary for entering the Duma. The party
simply [cashed in on] Putin's popularity, gained by killed Chechens. The
sensational victory of the reformers led by Sergei Kiriyenko is one of the
few bright points of this election. But even this victory, behind which the
young generation of Russians stands, is stained. The Union of the Right
Forces (SPS) won the eight percent mainly because it made an agreement with
the Kremlin's regime and supported the war in Chechnya."


SWITZERLAND: "Hostage Of The War" 


Moscow correspondent Roman Berger front-paged this editorial in Zurich's
top-circulation Tages-Anzeiger (12/21): "The Russian people have tried
several times to find a way out of crisis. In 1993, Russia put its hope on
protest candidate Vladimir Zhironovsky, but the extreme nationalist turned
out to be a political clown.... Three years later, the Russian people
believed they found an alternative to Yeltsin and his corrupt regime, but
the Kremlin easily neutralized General Lebed. The new promise is Vladimir
Putin, who owes his success to a perfidious smear campaign against the
opposition and the war in Chechnya. Despite the disappointments during the
last ten years, the Russian people believe in democracy and a better life.
This belief is once again threatened with misuse. Russia's new heroes raise
and fall with the fate of the Russian army in Chechnya. The country has
become hostage of this war."


TURKEY: "Chechnya Options" 


Sami Kohen wrote in mass-appeal Milliyet (12/21): "After the completion of
the Russian elections, which took place under the shadow of Chechnya, Putin
now has two options to consider. 


"He will either move forward until the bitter end on the Chechnya
operation, or he will...pave the way for a political solution.... Choosing
the latter option...will definitely serve Russia's interests, yet it
remains to be seen what kind of action Putin will consider."


EAST ASIA


AUSTRALIA: "Why Is Russia Committed To A War Without End?"


The liberal Melbourne Age featured this commntary (12/21) by its
international business consultant Alex Alexiev: "The expected strong
showing by pro-Kremlin Unity, at the expense of anti-Yeltsin forces...will
be interpreted by many as a stamp of approval for the policies of Putin's
government--mostly the war in Chechnya, which the Russian military has
promised to win before the end of the year. This 'victory' and the manner
in which it was achieved, is so fraught with disturbing implications for
Russia and its place in the world that it may come back to haunt the
victors in short order." 


JAPAN: "Russia Must Hasten Political And Economic Normalization"


Conservative Sankei editorialized (12/21): "There are fears...that Russia
will turn inward-looking and nationalistic as the start of the presidential
election campaign draws near. But the Russian economy cannot get back on
its feet without support from the international community.... Isolationism
will cost Russia dearly. Yeltsin must normalize political and economic
situations at an early date, while looking to the nation's future beyond
the presidential election."


HONG KONG: "The Right Choice" 


The independent South China Morning Post commented in its editorial
(12/21): "The election news from Russia, for a welcome change, offers a
rare bit of modestly good news from that morally, politically and
economically blighted nation.... Relatively moderate reformers scored big
gains.... The outcome should lead to the formation of a coalition able to
support Kremlin reforms, rather than one dedicated to obstructing change
while defending personal privileges." 


SOUTH KOREA: "A Surprise Advance By Unity Party"


Kim Yong-Sung observed in independent Hankyoreh Shinmun (12/21): "A
'seismic' transformation has taken place on the Russian political landscape
with the outcome of the latest election pointing to an absolute victory by
Vladimir Putin. Definitely, that victory will affect the upcoming
presidential election. This sudden rise of the previously anonymous Putin
to become the leading presidential candidate clearly is due to the Chechnya
campaign through which the prime minister successfully stirred sentiments
for a 'strong Russia.'" 


AFRICA


CAMEROON: "Putin Superstar"


The national radio statio of the government-owned Cameroon Radio and
Television Corporation broadcast this by senior editor Alain Belibi
(12/20): "Putin is the superstar in Russia. Boris Yeltsin's prime minister
has shaken the Communist Party as a result of (Sunday)'s legislative
elections.... Russia's political future is becoming clearer in the
aftermath of the legislative elections. The Communist Party is just marking
time while the prime minister's Unity group is making great strides." 


WESTERN HEMISPHERE


CANADA: "Russian Riddle"


The mid-market Ottawa Citizen opined (12/21): "Preliminary results from the
election suggest the Communist Party will still have the largest number of
seats in the Duma, but a combination of centrist parties appears set to
capture a slim overall majority.... That could be good news for supporters
of greater economic reforms in Russia. But there is bad news too: The
result offers little hope that Moscow will moderate its policies towards
the West or exercise restraint in its war against Islamic rebels in the
breakaway province of Chechnya. With another set of elections scheduled for
next June--this time to choose a successor to Mr. Yeltsin--there is every
incentive for the Kremlin to maintain the policies that helped its allies
in the Duma elections. That means more bellicose reasserting of Russia's
global standing and more indiscriminate bombing in Chechnya.... There were
concerns before the Duma elections that Russia's deteriorating economy
would lead to increased support for the Communists and ultra-nationalists,
but Russian voters--who have seen their living standards drop dramatically
since the end of the USSR--have nevertheless made it clear they believe the
way to greater prosperity is through more market reforms, not fewer. Mr.
Putin and his allies in the Duma now have a chance to prove that belief is
correct. This will present a dilemma for Western policymakers. They will
want to encourage further economic reforms, but they must consider how much
help to provide Moscow while it continues its scorched-earth policy in
Chechnya." 


"Russian Democracy" 


The leading Globe and Mail commented (12/21): "The election results should
guarantee Mr. Yeltsin a less fractious relationship with the Duma and
enable him to make some much-needed economic and tax changes, measures that
were resolutely opposed by the Communist-dominated Duma. No matter what the
world thinks about corrupt, backward and brutal Russia, the country is at
least a putative democracy that is making visible, if creeping, progress
toward a Western-style market economy." 


"The Spoils Of War" 


Serge Truffaut wrote in liberal, French-language Le Devoir of Montreal
(12/20): "The victory of the Unity Party, aligned with the wishes of the
Yeltsin family, does not bode well for democracy in that country. Won on
the coattails of the carnage unfurled by the Kremlin in Chechnya, this
victory will camouflage some of the worst misappropriations of funds....
While Putin ordered Russian troops into Chechnya, thus diverting the
increasing scrutiny on the fortunes of the Yeltsin clan, the media empire
of Berezovsky launched a smear campaign against Primakov and Lujkov, fanned
the flames of anti-Semitism and tried to buy candidates running under the
Primakov banner. Based on the evidence, one has to score the victory of the
Unity Party as a victory for the thugs." 


ARGENTINA: "Putin, The Kremlin's Winning Card" 


Leon Bastidas wrote in leading Clarin (12/21): "Prime Minister Vladimir
Putin--an old KGB spy and...President Yeltsin's dauphin, who will succeed
him in the Kremlin in 2000--achieved in only three months what his several
predecessors were not able to--to break the Communist majority in the
Russian Congress.... The main reason for his success has been the
successful second war of Chechnya.... The prime minister's political
thought and his economic program are an enigma. However, the results of
legislative elections have showed his ability to take advantage of the
state machinery resources in favor of coalitions he sponsored....
Nevertheless, the prime minister's solidity is vulnerable, because it is
only based on the military success in Chechnya, a conflict which will
hardly be solved by the use of weapons." 


##
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Telephone: (202) 619-6511
10/29/99