July 30, 1997  
This Date's Issues: 1099 •1100  •1101  1102

Johnson's Russia List [list two]
#1101
30 July 1997
djohnson@cdi.org

*******

Date: Wed, 30 Jul 1997 09:41:15 +0100
To: leninlist@cag1.demon.co.uk
From: Jim <jim@cag1.demon.co.uk>
Subject: LL08027 Jim H FWD Communist Party of the Russian Federation: The
Russian catastrophe

Comrades,

I am forwarding these three documents from the recent congress of the
Communist Party of the Russian Federation for information purposes only.
My group, the Communist Action Group does not support the line of the
CPRF, which it regards as being revisionist. It is, however, a
significant force, and for this reason its statements may be of interest
to comrades on the list.

The translations are unofficial, and are by members of the Communist
Party of Australia (also revisionist)

Part 1 -- The Russian Catastrophe

Last month, two important meetings took place in Moscow. The first was 
an international conference initiated by the United Communist Parties 
of the former Soviet Union and the second was the 4th Congress of the 
Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

These gatherings took place against a background of the horrific and 
growing impoverishment of the Russian people and those of the former 
Republics of the Soviet Union. 

Here is what a woman from the Tula region south of Moscow wrote about 
her situation:

"This year my children -- aged 13 and 19, could not attend school and 
college respectively. We do not have money for textbooks and clothes 
for them. We don't even have money to buy bread. We eat rusks we had 
dried 3 years ago. We do have potatoes and vegetables that we grow on 
our vegetable plot. 

"My mother who is weak with hunger shares her pension with us. We are 
not lazy -- my husband does not drink or smoke but he is a miner and 
hasn't been paid his wages for several months. I used to work as a 
teacher but the kindergarten where I worked closed down recently. 

"My husband cannot leave his mining job as there are no other jobs 
available and he's got another 2 years to go before retirement. To try 
and look for a petty trader job as our leaders advise us is hopeless 
here as everybody is trying to do that. But nobody buys anything as 
no-one has any money -- ours is a mining town." Hers is a typical 
story which will not even get a mention on TV news or the government-
run and controlled print media. The media is busy promoting "new 
Russians", a small group of people who got super rich by thieving the 
formerly publicly-owned enterprises.

At an overseas airline ticket office one of these "new rich" was 
observed buying a ticket on a Concorde flight to New York. She 
observed that she did not wish to go to New York but only wanted to 
have lunch on a Concorde aeroplane.

The "new poor", however, are left to their own devises and cannot even 
count on some help from the state -- they are "free" to starve and 
"free" to die.

Fourteen million people in the Russian Federation have found 
themselves at the very bottom -- 4 million have nowhere to live, they 
are homeless in a country with severe climatic conditions; 3 million 
beg to survive; there are 4 million street children; 3 million are 
prostitutes.

The majority of these people found themselves in poverty and 
destitution directly as a result of the social and economic policies 
of the Government and those much touted "democratic reformers" who 
have turned Russia into a raw materials source for foreign capitalist 
investors.

There are another 4.5 million people on the brink of destitution and, 
given the continuing anti-people policies of the Government, it is 
very likely that they'll join the 14 million who are already 
destitute.

Fear, desperation and hopelessness have reached catastrophic 
proportions. Three fourths of the population in Russia say that they 
are not sure that they'll manage to avoid poverty.

Last year alone the population of Russia shrank by 475,000. In Soviet 
times the population was steadily increasing. 

Suicides are on the rise. The number reached 61,000 last year. It is 
one of the highest suicide rates in the world. In 1996 500 Russian 
Army officers committed suicide. 

The Government did not bring any help to a young mother who jumped to 
death from a high-rise building clutching her two children.

The de-population of Russia goes on apace with a high mortality rate 
and a low birth rate. In Moscow in the last two months 11,380 babies 
were born while 22,937 people died. 

Poor nutrition, the destruction of the formerly free and universal 
health services and the break-down in community and sanitary services 
has severely undermined the nation's health. 

Only 17 per cent of school age children are considered healthy. 
Teachers find that the majority of children in schools are no longer 
capable of dealing with Soviet-time textbooks and programs that their 
elder sisters and brothers coped with. In many former republics of the 
USSR the situation is the same if not worse. 

Just one example of the price rises which have put many commodities 
out of reach of most people. In Soviet times the price of a ticket on 
Moscow's Metro was 5 kopecks. It had remained at that same level since 
the 1930s when the Metro was first opened. Since Yeltsin and his 
capitalist henchmen came to power the price has gone up to the current 
1,500 roubles, that is, a 30,000 times increase.

A trained nurse receives about 300,000 roubles a month but a monthly 
ticket on public transport costs 180,000 roubles, leaving about 
120,000 roubles. The price of a cup of coffee in a coffee bar ranges 
from 2,000 to 8,000 roubles.

Then there is the story of two doctors, a married couple, living in 
the city of Vladimir 2 hours train from Moscow. They are in their 
fifties. The wife is a gynecologist and the husband a surgeon. For 
months their wages have been paid irregularly and when they do get 
paid they each receive only 200,000 roubles per month. 

The woman doctor sees more pathological pregnancies than normal ones 
these days. In her work she travels to nearby villages and there the 
situation is absolutely tragic. Many parents cannot feed their 
children and use animal feed to make porridge for them. She had to 
give up operations in the hospital because no medications were 
available.

People now compare the conditions today with those which existed in 
the '20s and '30s. Many schools and colleges will have to open during 
the summer months (the usual holiday period) and close during the 
winter as lack of heating in winter disrupts schooling or makes it 
impossible. 

Seven years of "reforms" have left the Russian people destitute and 
spiritless. 

The very existence of Russia as an independent state is on the line. 
It has reached the stage of an almost complete food dependency -- 50 
per cent of food is being imported. Agriculture is being destroyed. In 
industry the situation is equally catastrophic. The general decline in 
production is 50 - 60 per cent. In machine building it is 70 - 80 per 
cent. There has been no investment whatsoever into industrial 
modernisation. Between 10 and 12 per cent of enterprises have been 
closing down every year for the past three years. 

Foreign firms have bought about 70 per cent of shares in the 
privatised enterprises of Moscow, Leningrad and the heavy industries 
of the Urals region.

All of this is being done by the so-called "democratic reformers" of 
the Yeltsin Government. 

How can the Russian people tolerate this state of affairs? This 
question has been asked by progressive people around the world for 
several years now. 

It took working people some time to realise that the promises were 
empty, that promises do not deliver jobs, wages, health care and 
decent living conditions.

There now appears to be growing resistance to the Government -- its 
sell-out of the country and betrayal of the people. 

In 1996 strike actions began to grow and involved 8,278 enterprises 
with 664,000 workers taking part. After a number of regional strikes 
teachers organised two national strikes. 

In March of this year, for the first time, a general strike across 
Russia took place and involved an estimated 20 million workers.

Political demands have started to appear along with economic ones -- 
demands for the removal of the Yeltsin Government. Desperate people 
have begun to fight back and take direct action, blocking railways, 
occupying administrative buildings, etc. Working people are learning 
to coordinate their actions, are learning about unity and struggle. 

They are not much helped by official trade unions which are trying to 
keep the lid on political demands and often act as government 
henchmen. 

But now there is a new feeling abroad -- anger, resentment and 
resistance are appearing in the country. It will take a lot of work to 
organise it into a strong movement which could not only remove the 
Government but turn Russia into what it used to be -- a truly free and 
socialist state, the second ranking economic power in the world.

The communists, who had led the socialist revolution of 1917, built a 
once industrially backward nation into a foremost power, played the 
major part in the defeat of the Nazi armies and made great 
achievements in education, culture and science, are again being looked 
to by many people.

The attempt to reimpose capitalism is seen to be a catastrophe for all 
but a small proportion. The meetings of communists in Moscow in April 
were wrestling with the task of working out the way to renew the 
socialist construction so cruelly betrayed by some leaders who had at 
one time also called themselves communists but who betrayed that cause 
and betrayed the people of the former Soviet Union.


Part 2 -- 4th Congress of Russian Communists: The road to a new Russia

The Fourth Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation 
was held in Moscow in the third week of April, attended by 401 elected 
delegates. Representatives of 82 foreign communist parties sent 
fraternal delegations. This included delegations of communist parties 
from various former Republics of the Soviet Union which, following the 
break-up of the Soviet Union, became independent states. 

The report of the Central Committee of the CPRF was presented to the 
Congress by the Party's Chairman, Gennadi Zuganov.

Although the Congress lasted only two days the discussion was lively 
and critical and compared favourably with the formalistic atmosphere 
which prevailed at Congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union in the past. 

Generally, delegates' contributions called for a more militant and 
assertive stand and reflected the growing struggles of the Russian 
people arising from the economic, social and political calamity that 
has overtaken the Russian people following the setbacks for socialism 
and the break-up of the Soviet Union.

Zuganov said that the "CPRF has strongly positioned itself as the 
largest all-Russia party and as a strong political force which cannot 
be ignored any more.

"We have significantly strengthened our positions in representative 
organs and have gained the first big success in winning executive 
power in provinces. Important steps have been taken to unite the 
opposition and patriotic forces and to create our own media.

Speaking about shortcomings, Gennadi Zuganov said that party ranks are 
growing too slowly, the number of young members joining is not enough, 
the mobilisation of the working people for practical actions in 
defence of their interests is not sufficient. Party organisations 
sometimes lag behind events. 

He declared that the CPRF "remains a class party, a party of working 
people -- workers, peasants, intelligentsia. 

"With the most active participation of the CPRF, the Popular Patriotic 
Bloc of Russia was formed. It unites more than 30 Federal 
organisations. Today, many Russian citizens are able to unite around 
the idea of national salvation. Our task is to turn this possibility 
into a reality."

Zuganov said that the "attempt to restore capitalism has led to the 
destruction of industry, to the loss of more than half of its economic 
potential. Russia has already lost its food production independence. A 
colonial-type economic system is being formed.

"Society is divided into a small group of the rich and a huge mass of 
the deprived. Miners and peasants, teachers and doctors, scientists 
and officers are humiliated. 

"The attempt to restore capitalism has turned into a gigantic genocide 
against people. Full or part unemployment has engulfed 15 per cent of 
the population. A quarter of Russian families lives below the poverty 
line. Families are breaking up, mothers are not protected, streets are 
full of homeless children as if a war had taken place.

"It has led to an unprecedented criminal wave in all spheres of life, 
to a total criminalisation of the economy, government, everyday life.

"The attempt to restore capitalism has destroyed the national unity of 
the Russian people and seriously undermined the economic and political 
integrity of Russia. Many regions, especially in the Far East and Far 
North are cut off from the country and balance on the brink of 
survival. The disintegration of Russia proper has already started."

Zuganov summed up by saying that the attempt "to restore capitalism in 
reality has turned into a progressive colonisation of Russia. The 
threat from inside comes from the irresponsible and incompetent policy 
of the ruling regime which is leading to a spontaneous social 
outburst.

"This threatens not only the ruling regime as one might think. 
Considering the destitution of the masses, the vast expanse of our 
country and the presence of nuclear weapons, it will be a "ninth wave" 
which will threaten the complete destruction of the already weakened 
vital structures of society. Total "Balkanisation" of Russia and NATO 
"peacemakers" on its territory is the most probable outcome of that 
outburst."

Zuganov called for a change in the course of state policy "by re- 
establishing people's power and the resurrection of the destroyed 
state. This is the basis for a true national concord. It can be done 
by following the road of social justice, the road of socialism."

Recording the growth of the Party's influence, Zuganov said that, "In 
December 1995 twice as many people voted for our party list as 
compared to December 1993. During the second round of the Presidential 
elections (in 1996) twice as many people voted for the CPRF as did in 
1995.

"Together with our allies, [we have won] more than 45 per cent of the 
seats in the State Duma, the majority in a number of representative 
organs in regions and more than 50 gubernatorial [regional] 
governorships.

"During the last years we have managed to claw back a little bit of 
power." 

Zuganov called for a new policy which he called "a responsible and un-
compromising opposition". He called for a "tough exposure" of the 
ruling regime and for it to be "squeezed out". "This is a tactic of 
awakening and organising masses, mastering the growing protest", he 
said.

"There are increasing demands within the Party for the party 
leadership to act more decisively and energetically. The CC agrees 
with these sentiments as there are developing both objective and 
subjective preconditions for this.

"The situation in Russia has changed so markedly in the last two 
months that there is every reason to talk about a new tactical stage 
in our activity.

"There is no choice left for the patriotic opposition -- to agree to 
what is being done without resistance would mean betrayal of our 
voters, our history and Russia as a whole."

Zuganov called for constitutional changes as the existing Constitution 
pushes Duma members into a vicious circle of confrontation with 
government bodies, no matter strong the opposition is.

"It is too long to wait for Presidential elections and an opposition 
victory. We should fight for the changes to the Constitution mindful 
of our program goal -- to adopt a Soviet Constitution.

"It is quite clear that due to a complex process the struggle to 
change the Constitution will not be an easy one. That's why we should 
attract and unite all public and political forces based on one 
criteria -- patriotism and protection of national interests in the 
struggle to change the Constitution. 

"It is evident that the foremost task of the Party is the organisation 
of the growing protest, uniting economic mass struggle with political 
struggle.

"The all-Russia protest action on March 27 [the first general strike] 
demonstrated that mass demands are going much further than purely 
economic slogans within which the trade union leadership wanted to 
stay. Everywhere, political resolutions have been adopted, mostly 
demanding the President's and the Government's resignation.

"We should be in the thick of struggle, giving it more organised and 
conscious forms, applying ourselves to political education and the 
organisation of the masses." 

Other tasks are "to awaken people's initiatives and the formation of 
new social structures from below which will be able to replace 
obsolete and incapable ones.

"The main question today is -- will "market forces", and in essence 
several banking groups, determine the development of our economy or, 
alternatively, will the state be determining the spheres and direction 
using market competition in the interests of society? We are 
supporting the second option", said Zuganov. 

Speaking on the Party's economic program Zuganov said that "the 
strengthening of centralised state management is of the utmost 
importance. At the same time, considering past experience, we exclude 
bureaucratic super-centralisation. 

"We are for a flexible economic system based on the interaction of 
different forms of ownership with priority given to public ownership.

"Restoration of production will become the basis of a strong social 
policy directed first of all towards safeguarding jobs and the 
liquidation of debts on wages and pensions.

"In agriculture the Party's policy is against free sale and purchase 
of land. The Party accepts mixed ownership and use of the land. At the 
same time, strong state support is needed for the agro-industrial 
complex. 

"The earliest goal is to provide food security, stop food intervention 
from the West with the uncontrolled import of substandard, unhealthy 
products at throw-away prices."

Zuganov said that the "question of state unity and territorial 
integrity is of primary importance to every patriot." The Soviet Union 
is at present "criminally dismembered".

He said that the Russian Federation, is an "extremely weakened 
organism, a geopolitical body with cut-off, bleeding connections. 
Processes of disintegration are growing.

"It is impossible to resurrect a strong union state without a strong 
and united Russian Federation and it is also impossible to have a 
strong Russian Federation without a new Union.

"The alternative to this is very simple and dramatic -- either 
continuing on the present course and, as a result, the dismantling of 
the Federation, or following a new course, creating favourable 
conditions for gathering the lands together.

"The real possibility for the second option appeared after people's 
patriotic forces won executive power in a number of regions.

"The regions of the Patriotic Belt of Russia may become the nucleus of 
new structures which will help to preserve and develop industries. 
Practically all regions of the Patriotic Belt have the potential to 
combine science, modern industries and agriculture and achieve a union 
under the slogan "Saving the Independence of Russia". 

"The Patriotic Belt can and must become a cradle of the new Russian 
statehood, a real alternative to the destructive policies of the 
present Centre, which is a policy of betrayal of our Motherland."

Speaking of external policy matters, Zuganov said that "the purpose of 
the NATO expansion is clear. It is to support the positions of their 
allies in Moscow through tank barrels in Eastern Europe and in case 
peoples' power wins -- to surround Russia with a "cordon sanitaire" 
preventing it from re- establishing its traditional influence on world 
events.

He welcomed the developing relations with "the People's Republic of 
China, India, the Arab world and all other countries on the basis of 
mutual interests. 

"We recognise the importance of developing partnership with the USA 
and the West as a whole. But these relationships should be on equal 
terms, without double standards and behind-the-scenes machinations."

Condemning the corrupt mass media as a "gigantic brainwashing machine 
depravity", Zuganov warned that "a new wave of anti-patriotic hysteria 
is being prepared. 

It should reach its peak by autumn [the time of the anniversary of the 
October Revolution] and its goal is to distract the public's attention 
from the impending catastrophe."

Zuganov said that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation "is 
not calling the people back to socialism, it is calling them forward 
to socialism. To return to the previous model is to be condemned to 
repeat the past.

"Let's be frank -- many things are to be critically analysed to avoid 
conceit which is fatal for the Party. We must realise that the present 
day catastrophic processes have not fallen out of the blue. In many 
respects they are the continuation of the worst tendencies of the not 
so distant past.

"It is all very well to be astonished at how passively and light- 
mindedly the people regarded the thievery of privatisation but it 
should also be realised that the "big privatisation" has been 
psychologically and morally prepared by a "small" one, that is small 
scale thieving that flourished for many years.

"While blaming all our woes on the "party of power" we cannot avoid 
the fact that that party, to a large degree, consists of former 
nomenklatura and is its direct follower. 

"Is the rot in the party-state apparatus, the corruption and its 
fusing with the criminal world only a problem of today?"

Zuganov said that the CPRF is "taking on board another legacy: the 
idea of social justice, ideas of state patriotism, ideas of people's 
power -- the only things that can realise human rights to the full.

"We are proud of [the legacy] of the Soviets. Soviets as a state organ 
were created by the people and conform to the national ideas of the 
organisation of power."

Speaking of the advantages of Soviets, Zuganov said that they "to a 
greater degree than a parliament, correspond to people's 
representation. Soviets create a more realistic barrier against 
demagogues and adventurists getting into the organs of power. 

"A working collective puts forward their deputy into a Soviet, a 
person they know well. Soviets allow the organisation of proper 
control of the people's elected representatives."

In raising the question of freedoms, Zuganov said that "Today it is of 
the utmost importance that communists and all the patriotic opposition 
take on the idea of defending the rights and freedoms of citizens, of 
working people denigrated and robbed by the present regime.

Talking about allies, Zuganov's report said that a "strategic union 
based on a common ideological basis is only permissible with those 
political forces which have the same goal as the CPRF -- restoration 
of Russia on the basis of socialism. 

Such a union can be joined by all the communist movements, the 
Agrarian Party, the Agro-industrial Union. Close cooperation with 
communist parties of Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) 
countries is particularly important for the restoration of the union 
of fraternal peoples.

The tactics of the CPRF in regards to possible allies and supporters 
"is individual work with every one of them, putting forward the 
problems, where a compromise may be reached, mutual assistance 
especially during elections, getting closer in joint activities, 
testing relations in crisis situations.

Zuganov said that "Russia has found itself on the edge of a precipice 
for the second time this century. We, communists take on this historic 
challenge. Together with our allies and friends we will stop the 
destruction of the country, throw the traitors to the rubbish heap of 
history and restore Russia. 

"Our party must be a strong party, confident in the socialist future 
of Russia, capable of leading the protests and beginning the 
gathering, rebuilding and rejuvenation of a new Russia. 

"It must be a modern party -- respecting the past but looking to the 
future, true to its origins and roots but open to new realities; 
respecting the old but turned to the young, a party ready to enter the 
new millennium.

"The present state of chaos and disintegration makes many people feel 
despondent, especially those who do not have sufficient knowledge of 
the thousand-year long history of our statehood. It is this history 
that brings optimism and belief in the future of our Motherland.

Zuganov listed some of the Party's main objectives:

* people's power of the Soviet type, supported by a wide network of 
public organisations;

* an economy regulated by the state in the interests of the whole of 
society and every individual citizen;

* a society in which another person is regarded as a friend, comrade 
and brother (or sister) and is a full co-owner of all public riches;

* a clean, open, constructive political system.

Together with this Zuganov called for an effective system of people's 
control, strong public opinion and the people's expression of free 
will.

"Today these ideas are to the fullest and most adequately expressed in 
the idea of socialism. We are confident -- Russia will be great and 
socialist!"


Part 3 -- 4th Congress of the CPRF: New spirit of militant opposition

After the question, "What in bloody hell is happening in Russia?" 
comes the inevitable, "What are communists doing?" or "When will you 
have another revolution?"

The Russian economy is in a crisis which cannot be solved by the 
present economic policies. In fact, they created the crisis. The 
situation will be further aggravated by the just announced measures to 
charge "market" prices for house and flat rents. 

The only reason why people have so far managed to survive, despite 
"world" prices for food, was that housing remained relatively cheap. 
It is now intended by the Government to stop subsidies and charge many 
times more for rent. This development will change the situation 
dramatically and create and unpredictable situation. 

Further privatisation and sale of "unprofitable enterprises" will 
result in a massive increase in unemployment. Some predict a further 
50 million workers will be thrown out of their jobs. 

How are they and millions of others in similar circumstances going to 
pay high rents and steeply increased charges for gas, electricity and 
hot water services?

There is a definite change in the popular mood -- from apathy and 
frustration to anger and direct actions -- strikes, hunger strikes, 
demonstrations, occupations, etc.

The Yeltsin regime is getting fully prepared to take on its opponents. 
Last week a new national security doctrine was announced. It 
identifies internal instability as the main threat facing the country, 
followed by the eastward NATO expansion. 

Internal troops run by the Interior Ministry and other armed agencies 
concerned with domestic security, have been given generous state 
support. It is estimated that one million highly trained and well-
equipped people are in this force. 

At the same time, the Russian army has been starved of funds for years 
and its equipment and training has been downgraded. In a recent 
interview with the army daily Krasnaya Zvezda (Red 
Star), Yeltsin confirmed government plans to cut state military 
spending by a further 20 per cent this year.

It is against this background that the communist movement in Russia is 
rebuilding. 

Russian communists have travelled a bumpy road. At present there are 
about 600,000 members in the rather numerous parties. The CP of the 
Russian Federation with 540,000 members is by far the largest. 

The next largest is the Russian Communist Workers' Party with 50,000 
members. The Bolsheviks (Nina Andreeva's party as it is sometimes 
called, though she is not in it anymore) has 2,000. The Socialist 
Workers Party about 3,000, while another 2,000 make up small sectarian 
groups and circles ranging from "monarchists to anarchists", as one 
delegate put it.

More than half of the previous membership of the CPSU joined the so-
called "party of power" and became supporters of Yeltsin and the 
capitalist counter-revolution. Public servants, members of the armed 
forces, Interior Ministry and KGB employees are barred from joining 
any party. 

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has managed to re-build 
its structures after the ban on the party and seizure of all its 
assets in 1991. It now has 24,500 branches, 2,000 city organisations 
and 89 district organisations. The CPRF says it has taken the best 
from the CPSU -- its organisational forms and constitution, Marxist-
Leninist ideology, the objective of people's power in the form of 
Soviets and the idea of strengthening Russia with the goal of 
restoring the USSR.

Speaking to a gathering of international delegations at the Congress, 
the CPRF First Deputy Chairman, V Kuptsov said the Party differs from 
the former CPSU in three main areas:

* Its attitude to ownership of the means of production -- recognising 
all forms of ownership with priority given to state and collective 
ownership;

* Acceptance of a multi-party system;

* A more tolerant attitude to religion.

Achieving socialism is the party's goal.

The CPRF is often asked why the membership is so small. Presently the 
party's thinking on this question is that a mass party is not in its 
interests and that every party member should have 5-6 supporters and 
allies.

Kuptsov said the problems most often encountered by the party are:

* nostalgic feelings;

* waiting for instructions;

* weak initiatives from branches and individuals.

The party encountered some problems it did not think existed (despite 
warnings from some fraternal overseas parties). When industrial 
workers started losing their jobs, the thinking was that they would 
immediately become politicised and fight. It did not happen. 
Industrial workers remain rather passive although this has started to 
change. 

There is another problem which has arisen from the de-
industrialisation of the country. The work force is now made up of 
only 13 per cent industrial workers. In Moscow the industrial work 
force has declined from 1.2 million to only 200,000. Moscow has a 
total population of about 9 million.

The majority of those who have so far taken part in protests and 
strikes are teachers, health workers, scientists, technical 
intelligentsia (engineers, etc), public sector workers, pensioners. 

The Yeltsin Government has total control of the mass media and the 
anti-communist propaganda has to be seen to be believed. It has been 
going on as a policy for years now -- since Gorbachev came to power. 
It is against the tide of this propaganda wave that the party is 
winning its way back.

The importance and influence of the CPRF was given recognition even by 
the Government -- first, by the number of TV and print media reporters 
who attended the Congress (450), almost one for every delegate. This, 
however, does not mean that the reports were factual, honest or even 
balanced. 

Secondly, by a message to the Congress from Yeltsin read out by one of 
his aids in which he stated that "everybody should unite, including 
the Government and the opposition to build a flourishing Russia". 

Yeltsin had decreed earlier that the 80th anniversary of the October 
Revolution (November this year) will become the day of "Reconciliation 
and Concord" thus trying to erase the memory of the revolution.

Many delegates regarded the message as an insult and it was 
interrupted by shouts and laughter while being read out.

Delegates' speeches raised many important questions. These included 
the Party's work in the Duma; the role it is playing in the 
Government; should it be there at all? As one of the delegates said: 
"If the party fraction in the Duma does not demand the Government's 
resignation we'll risk losing our branch members".

The question of "parliamentary" and "non-parliamentary" work by the 
party was one of the hottest topics. The party leadership was very 
strongly criticised for its "constructive engagement" with the 
Government. The criticism was accepted and a new approach of 
"irreconcilable opposition" was adopted.

Unity between communist parties was also an issue, with delegates 
demanding that leaders of different communist parties put aside their 
ambitions and work towards a common goal. 

One of the concerns was poor ideological work and party education -- a 
problem aggravated by lack of funds. New ways of reaching audiences 
were suggested through the use of videos, etc. There are party 
newspapers and a theoretical magazine but many delegates feel that 
there should be ways of quicker information exchange reflecting the 
speed with which the situation changes. 

Generally, there was a lot of urgency in delegates' contributions with 
calls to act more militantly and decisively. Pravda commented 
the day after the Congress: "...under delegates' pressure the party 
leaders shifted from sunny social-democratic lawns to the harsh woods 
of irreconcilable opposition ..."

While talking to the international delegations, Gennadi Zuganov CPRF 
Chairman, said that "the cold war has not ended -- it is being waged 
by different means" and the results for Russia are catastrophic. 

He said that the balance of power achieved after WWII has been 
violated. Russia has given up its traditional overseas markets and now 
is giving up what domestic market is left inside the country.

There was agreement on the dangers of NATO's expansion. Growing ties 
with China and India were warmly welcomed. 

The General Secretary of the CP of India (Marxist), Harkishan Surjeet, 
expressed it beautifully in his message to the Congress when he said: 

"... due to the influence of the Left in the present political 
situation, the relations between India and Russia have acquired a new 
significant dimension ... Likewise, the efforts being made by both 
Russia and India to overcome obstacles and strengthen relations with 
the People's Republic of China are bearing fruit. The improvement of 
relations between Russia, India and China will lead to the Leninist 
vision of creating a significant bulwark against renewed imperialist 
attempts to hegemonise. In the present international situation these 
developments will have far reaching consequences".

The importance of internationalism was raised by several speakers, 
especially those from former Soviet republics. There were suggestions 
for a world meeting of communist and workers' parties. At the same 
time, there is a definite impression that because of the tremendous 
difficulties the Russian people are going through, the party is 
somewhat looking inwards putting nationalism above class struggle and 
giving insufficient attention to internationalism.

However, the party membership as represented by the delegates are 
actively participating in party life and giving voice to their ideas 
and criticisms and this is the best guarantee that these problems will 
be overcome.

The Congress represents a new stage in the struggle of the communists. 
A more active and militant approach has been adopted.

One delegate, Astrakhankina, a fiery woman delegate, said that "the 
Party is not a shareholders' meeting or an elite club. It is our 
privilege to fight and if necessary die as our forefathers did."

It is this spirit which personifies the future.

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