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#11 - RW 11-12-04 - RW Home
RIA Novosti
November 10, 2004
NATO-RUSSIA: MATTERS TO ADDRESS DURING BUSH'S NEW TERM
MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti military commentator Viktor Litovkin). Recent talks held
in the Russian capital by the US ambassador to NATO, Nicholas Burns, focused on
Moscow-NATO relations in the next four years, following George Bush's reelection
to the White House. Mr. Burns met with senior officials from the Foreign
Ministry and the Defense Ministry and with experts and journalists based in
Moscow.
Although Ambassador Burns was bound ex officio to say that relations between
Russia and NATO remained a substantial factor of European security and played an
increasing role in the war on terrorism, he, despite all his diplomatic skills,
found it hard to conceal that everything between Moscow and Brussels had lately
not been so smooth as one or the other capital might like. One pointer to this
is that NATO Secretary-General Jaan de Hoop Scheffer has not visited Moscow for
a long time, whereas his predecessor came to the Russian capital at least every
six months or once a quarter.
The Russia-NATO partnership is increasingly becoming a bilateral rather than
a multilateral affair, such as the Russian-Italian IONIEX-2004 exercise in the
Ionic Sea. There were similar Russian-French naval maneuvers in the North
Atlantic that saw a Russian nuclear-powered submarine, the Vepr, call at the
French port and military base of Brest. Another example came in the form of the
Russian-American Northern Eagle exercise in the Atlantic, which featured two
large anti-submarine ships from Russia's Northern Fleet, the Admiral Levchenko
and the Severomorsk. Even last summer's Avaria-2004 anti-terrorist maneuvers to
protect nuclear military facilities on the Kola Peninsula failed to attract
monitors from all NATO's 26 members. Only 17 countries were represented.
Russia has also granted the right of free transit across its territory to
Afghanistan to only Germany and France, rather than to every member of the
anti-terrorist and anti-Taliban operation. Naturally, this fact did not escape
the expert and journalistic community concerned with Moscow-Brussels relations.
Why have these relations cooled to such an extent recently? Mr. Burns tried
to answer this question himself.
Some officials in Moscow, he said, continue to believe that NATO could not
meet today's challenges, and the alliance's eastward expansion threatened
Russia's security. But this is far from the case, the ambassador claimed. Our
countries, Mr. Burns said, have not yet exhausted all the potential of the
Russia-NATO Council. He pointed to areas of coordination between Moscow and
Brussels such as work to substantiate and develop a missile defense in the
European theatre, efforts to stop the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and missile technologies, rescue operations for submarines in
distress, theoretical and practical conferences of officers from twenty seven
countries (NATO + Russia) to formulate a common understanding of command
language and general managerial principles, as well as other points which have
not been given due coverage in the press. NATO enlargement does not present any
threat to Russia, he stated. It is a stabilizing factor for Europe and not only
for the continent. The alliance has helped to avert many conflicts and now
continues to play a peacekeeping role both in the Balkans and in Afghanistan.
Not everyone at the meeting agreed with these opinions. In particular,
Major-General (Ret) Vladimir Dvorkin, chief scientific fellow at the Institute
of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), remarked that it was
impossible to see how a sea rescue operation could be part of the anti-terrorism
effort, while talk of creating a European anti-missile defense system had for
some reason failed to go beyond political declarations. These, as well as other,
points are not helping to boost confidence between Russia and NATO. Neither is
the lack of a real mechanism for the operational compatibility of military units
in states that belong to the NATO-Russia Council.
Moscow-based experts also referred to how American nuclear weapons in
European nations that are not members of the nuclear club also interfered with
efforts to improve the climate of trust. Another negative factor in this process
is increased activity of the NATO leadership in former Soviet states, especially
in the South Caucasus, which is causing concern in the Kremlin and among its
allies in the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Mention was also made of
Lithuania's refusal to let Russia's military cargoes bound for the Kaliningrad
region pass through its territory, and other actions undertaken by Brussels and
the alliance's states that did not promote understanding between them and the
Russian capital.
However, Mr. Burns, as is perhaps customary for a diplomat, while not denying
commonly known facts, claimed that all of these actions were only designed to
achieve one objective: bolstering stability on the continent, as well as around
Iraq and Afghanistan, where individual NATO countries and their joint structures
are combating terrorism. US nuclear weapons are in Europe, in his opinion, for
the same purpose: to protect America's allies in the alliance that do not
possess such weapons.
True, the key issue remained unsolved: Who should America's nuclear weapons
protect its European allies from? The answer can hardly be terrorists.
There was much discussion on the meeting's fringes about the "double
standards" employed by some NATO members in the so-called joint struggle against
terrorism. The point is not only that alliance capitals continuing to welcome
and host the emissaries of Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov, but also
that mercenaries from NATO member states, as well as Arab countries, are
increasingly joining the ranks of Chechen terrorists. These include citizens
from Canada, Turkey (more than 25 of them have been killed in Chechnya over the
past five years), and people from other countries whose governments fail to take
appropriate measures to end the activities of various separatist and terrorist
organizations on their territory.
There was also some discussion of Afghanistan, a country where 10,000 NATO
officers and men have been conducting an anti-terrorist operation for several
years, while the flow of drugs from the country across the border with
Tajikistan, rather than diminishing, has dramatically jumped in the recent
period. Mr. Burns did promise that the alliance would soon launch a new
operation in the north and west of the country, which should help solve this
problem.
Naturally, those attending the meeting said they were seeking ways to achieve
rapprochement and mutual understanding. Mr. Burns was absolutely correct when he
said that it would be unrealistic to believe that all the obstacles that had
accumulated in the cold war and thanks to the myopic acts of individual
politicians could be overcome in one or two years.
Russia and NATO are already moving and will continue to move towards each
other. We are not yet friends, but neither are we foes any longer. Although we
are not yet allies, we have already become partners. Not in the full sense of
the word, of course, but we are gradually approaching this step by step.
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