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#1 - RW 271
Expert
http://www.expert.ru/
19 August 2003
The New "Big Fight"
Expert had a chance to talk with Strobe Talbott, current President of the
Brookings Institution, a major US think tank, former Deputy Secretary of State
in the Clinton Administration, and long-time chief advisor on policy toward
post-Soviet Russia.
- What is your opinion on the current state of relations between Russia and
the US after the Iraqi crisis earlier this year?
- They are very solid on several levels, especially in terms of the
relationship between our two presidents and between our two governments. I would
say that the difference over Iraq brought about a small step backwards compared
to the state of matters about a year ago. But both presidents made it very clear
that they would try to improve relations and return to the partnership that
President Putin has been building between Russia and the US since his election
and especially since September 11.
- In the last few months, a lot has been said about the "transatlantic
rift" between Europe and the US. In your view, should Russia join one of
the "camps" or should it maneuver between Washington and the various
European capitals?
- Maneuvering is dangerous, because it can lead to manipulating. Maneuvering
can lead to a foreign policy based on short-term tactics rather than a strategic
approach. One of many reasons for hope that relations between the US and Europe
will improve is that this will integrate Russia into the West more quickly and
more thoroughly. If the discord between Europe and the US continues, it will
only create problems in their relations with virtually all other countries,
specifically, Russia and the countries of Eastern and Central Europe if they are
forced to choose between Europe and America, between the "new" Europe
and the "old." Is this really good for them or for Russia? Russia is
not a part of the "old" or "new" Europe. It's a unique space
covering a vast territory that has existed for centuries and created adherents
to a Eurasian idea. And now, when Russia declares its willingness to join the
ideological "West," if we make it choose which part of the West to
join, we will do nothing but confuse matters.
- You mentioned in your speech that after September 2001, the US began to
rely more on military force than international institutions and alliances. Do
you think it will be easy for Russia to make peace with this change?
- No, and I do't think it should. It's difficult for me to get used to, even
though I'm an American and should support an increase in American might. I think
that this model won't work in the long term. Although the US possesses
considerable strength in all areas -- military, political, economic, financial,
and cultural -- I don't think that the US should turn this strength into a power
other countries of the world are forced to obey. You know, forced as opposed to
voluntary coalitions emerge under such a model, and no one likes to do what they
don't want to, but have to. The US should build coalitions that allow countries
to participate in the decision-making process based on consensus rather than
force. If we want Russia to find a place in international organizations, the
West must make the effort to ensure that these organizations are strong.
- Where do you see possibilities for cooperation between current world powers
such as the US, Europe, China, and Russia, to enhance international security and
fight terrorism?
- The question at hand is what the new "big fight" is, compared to
the "big fight" that dominated the second half of the 20th century.
From my point of view, the West -- the US and Western Europe -- was not the only
winner in this fight. The common people in the former USSR and Eastern Europe,
who supported democratic reforms, also won. Most people in the former USSR
understand that they won the Cold War because they helped to cast off the
"-ism" that governed their lives for decades, sometimes brutally.
Should this analysis be carried over to the new "big fight," the key
word is without a doubt globalization. Although this word is not as fashionable
in the West as it was two years ago, it is still an important word. Today, the
world is split into two groups: those who feel like participants in
globalization and those feel like its victims. The gap between globalization
winners and losers is growing, and the ratio of winners to losers is shifting
because of the increasing population in the regions where people consider
themselves losers. Terrorism as a political tool comes from feelings of
hostility and loss among those who consider themselves losers in globalization.
It is not by chance that we see many forms of terrorism in the Muslim world. In
the Arab world many people believe that they have lost and that they have no
future. Terrorism is a part of globalization -- its dark side.
This is why there is a common interest in the fight against terrorism on the
part of US and Russia. Russians helped win the victory over one
"-ism", and today, they could help Americans reduce the global gap and
make more people in the world (including Russians) feel like the beneficiaries
of globalization. My friends in Russia say they would like their country to
become a normal state with political and economic freedoms that lives in harmony
with its neighbors and is part of the international community. The development
of Russia along the lines of these freedoms creates more opportunities for
cooperation between our countries.
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