#11 - RW 264
RIA Novosti
FREEDOM OF SPEECH: RUSSIA BETWEEN EUROPE AND USA
By Alexander BESSMERTNYKH, Foreign Political Association President, former USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs

Russia is geographically between Europe and the USA - a simple fact which politicians understand in a far more complicated way, and on which they base mutually clashing expectations. Some think Russia is determined to join hands with the entire Europe or, at least, with leading European countries to oppose the United States in critical situations. Others are sure Russia is magnetically drawn to the mighty USA for a more lucrative alliance as Dame Fortune smiles at the rich and the strong, and never cares about the rest.

This range of contrasting opinions is indicative in itself. A mere twenty years ago, Western decision-makers assumed that, opposed to the USA and Europe alike, Russia was plotting to split the North Atlantic alliance - an assumption which Soviet VIPs and media outlets wrathfully described as sheer provocation. As matters really stood, the Soviet Union of that time was really anxious to drive in a wedge between the USA and its European allies. America was paying in kind to make Eastern Europe fall out with the USSR. Such were the rules of the Cold War game.

Things changed beyond recognition as the Cold War finished in 1989, after its fifty years of tensions and suspense. As the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia came face to face with a smiling West. Helpful and generous, it was offering aid to dozens of billion dollars. That was how Boris Yeltsin and his associates saw the situation. Whoever might be holding Russia's Foreign Affairs portfolio-and the ministers replaced each other quite frequently-their diplomacy of the 1990s was pro-Western even to the detriment of Russian interests. The orientation was, in fact, pro-American, if we take into consideration US dominance of the Western world. Russia certainly was aware of Europe's existence, but shrugged it off on frequent occasions.

Vladimir Putin came to the Kremlin as a leader well versed in foreign politics, and of a pronounced pro-European slant. He had spent many years in Germany, and so had every chance for practical studies of political developments in the continent's heart.

The initial years of his presidency brought a spectacular Russo-European rapprochement. Capital investment in Russia was skyrocketing. Europe was much more eager and assured than other parts of the world as it was penetrating the Russian market. Pragmatism made it Russia's closest partner, though certain anti-Russian prejudice persisted-a prejudice to which Danilevsky [Russian historian and political thinker] was referring as long ago as the mid-19th century.

However, an unique global strategic role belongs to the USA, and Vladimir Putin has been aware of that role ever since the start of his presidency. The United States was fully retaining its military and political might, and even building it up. Its arrogance, which came with tremendous power, got ever stronger pronounced. Russia sat up and took notice as the American bugles and drums were muffling the tune of European flutes and violins in the Western political orchestra.

Russia was overcoming a crisis, and vitally needed closer practical ties with Europe. A cold spell in Moscow-Washington relations would certainly brake in the progress of Russian-European contacts-so the Kremlin made dynamic efforts to enhance its strategic partnership with the White House.

President Putin's Western strategies reflect his desire to subtly combine orientation on Europe and the USA for unified positive policies, which I see as true policies that promise success.

There is another goal, which underlies those policies-Russia is to come at the best-possible way to be close partner of the USA and Europe alike, as both partnerships are equally important. The search for that way is all the harder with US-European differences on many essential issues-suffice it to mention the role of the United Nations and other international institutions, Mideastern settlement, or an unipolar world order. We also ought to bear in mind hidden European apprehensions as the USA aspires to be the one and only world leader.

In that situation, Russia must proceed from its own national interests to find its bearings in the world and determine its stances on Europe and the USA.

That is the point from which we should like to regard recent declaratory pressure on Washington, D.C., for which Moscow joined Paris and Berlin to prevent US war on Iraq as unauthorised by the UN Security Council. It was anti-war legalist action, by no means anti-American, and none of the three protesting countries meant to knock up an alliance against America. That became clear to its leaders fairly soon.

The developments came to Russia as another proof of the utmost diplomatic skill it was taking to combine the two political orientations.

Possibly, that point explains an enigmatic remark Mr. Putin made on a recent visit to London. Certain Russian strategic and pragmatic stances are mutually clashing, to an extent, he said. True, he immediately explained that he meant Moscow's interest in a stronger dollar and a weaker euro-yet an impression was made that the President was no less apprehensive of problems Russia might encounter as it was working for a steady place between Europe and the USA.

As I see it, the United States and European countries are equally aware of how important such a Russian stance is to all-a stance that objectively helps to retain long-established contacts between the three principal centres of global politics.

(The contributor's personal opinions not necessarily coincide with the editorial viewpoint)

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