#4 - RW 259
Profil
No. 20
May 2003
[translation from RIA Novosti for personal use only]
WHAT SHOULD WE EXPECT FROM THE ST. PETERSBURG SUMMIT?
Andrei RYABOV, scholar-in-residence, Carnegie center
St. Petersburg is now celebrating its 300th anniversary. The city's
anniversary is being used to advertise Russia and its northern capital rather
actively all over the world. Moreover, this festival presents a unique
opportunity for holding a short summit that will involve President Vladimir
Putin of the Russian Federation and the leaders of the world's major countries.
The need for such summits became obvious after the Iraqi war. The Russian
leadership's peace-making efforts proved fruitless; moreover, the Kremlin's
hopes about a protracted Iraqi war didn't come true. Consequently, Moscow became
somewhat confused about subsequent developments. It now has to find friends in a
rapidly changing new world, which is now dominated by only one superpower - the
United States.
It's crystal clear that Russia should mend its relations with the United
States, despite all grudges. Any possible Russian-US confrontation would spell
nothing good for Russia. Quite possibly, even hard-liners inside Moscow's
corridors of power are beginning to comprehend this factor nowadays. However,
the Kremlin did learn the Iraqi war's lessons, deciding to modernize Russia's
Armed Forces on a grand scale. Washington, which is now disappointed with its
Russian partners, knows only too well that the fight against trans-national
terrorism would not end soon enough. Moreover, the US Administration believes
that Russia, which is a sizeable component of the international- security
system, might yet come in handy.
Both sides are contacting each other on a regular basis; moreover, they
manage to find common ground on the Iraqi-debt issue. Still what will become the
foundation of subsequent cooperation? Well, this is the most important question
of them all. Many people believe that such cooperation used to develop on the
rather narrow basis of personal contacts between Russian and US leaders. Rampant
terrorism in different parts of the world, sort of, provides new impulses for
Russian-US interaction during the struggle against this new global threat.
The Kremlin has repeatedly sent out clear-cut messages on this score to the
White House. For example, analysts draw attention to the fact that in his annual
state-of-the-nation address Putin listed specific goals, i.e. the struggle
against international terrorism and efforts to counter the proliferation of
mass-destruction weapons, as priority issues of our foreign policy.
Incidentally, the US Administration also perceives these goals as its
top-priority tasks. Consequently, various short-term prospects are manifesting
themselves. And what lies ahead?
The recent Iraqi war has already revealed that cooperation on the basis of
anti-terrorist operations and efforts to check the spread of mass-destruction
weapons depends on the interpretation of these threats to an extremely great
extent. Moscow believed that Iraq lacked any mass-destruction weapons of its
own. Meanwhile Washington is sure that Baghdad did have such weapons, promising
to provide evidence of that fact. Russia still believes that one should look for
terrorists in the Persian Gulf region. However, the United States claims that
Osama bin Laden's cronies are now hiding on the territory of Iran, which is
Russia's important economic partner. Therefore one can safely say that the
agenda of Russian-US relations has to be expanded; still it's unclear how the
sides can accomplish this objective.
Chances are that the Kremlin will try and compensate its erratic relations
with the White House, expanding Russian- European cooperation instead. Still how
can this be done? Berlin, Paris or any other European capital, which are openly
dissatisfied over some aspects of trans-Atlantic cooperation, are in no mood to
join hands with Russia against the United States. Europe, which would be quite
eager to suggest a new non-military model of international relations, lacks any
ideas for translating this model into life. Well, the same can be said about
Moscow.
As far as Russian-European economic cooperation is concerned, the sides are
becoming divided on an increasingly greater number of issues. Brussels
bureaucrats don't want to assess the Russian situation and to recognize this
country's specifics, as well. They still think that Russia is not ready to join
the World Trade Organization at this stage.
Moscow is already beginning to count its losses that will be incurred, after
Eastern and Central Europe joins the European Union. Russia will have to pay
more for its fuel-and-energy transits via regional countries. Moreover, all
trade operations between Russia and its former socialist-camp allies will have
to abide by EU regulations, with all the ensuing consequences.
Russia still has a rather unimpressive economic potential, as far as
international standards are concerned. Therefore Moscow has to find certain
contradictions and discrepancies in international relations, also taking
advantage of these aspects. Russia should act as someone's ally or mediator,
thus increasing its overall political weight. Looks like, this game will
continue during the St. Petersburg summit's talks. Favourable conditions for
such a game will obviously be created in the sphere of economic relations, if
not in the international-security field. Most importantly, tactical games should
not overshadow the future. Russia's foreign-policy goals should not be lost
somewhere in time and space.
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