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#11
C O M M E N T A R Y
USA GIVES RUSSIA A HAND TO DESTROY CHEMICAL ARMS -
BETTER LATE THAN NEVER
MOSCOW, January 23 /from Victor Litovkin, RIA Novosti military analyst/ - US
President George W. Bush signed resolutions to resume financial aid to Russia as
it destroys its chemical arsenals. Simultaneously, Russia established an
information and analytical centre on chemical agent destruction and safe storage
in Gorny, a township in the Saratov Region on the Volga.
US aid has no direct bearing on the Gorny centre. Nevertheless, there is an
in-depth link between them, to say nothing of a coincidence in time. The link is
mainly due to a wide range of problems with chemical arms destruction. Official
statistics place Russia the world's first for chemical arsenals, with 40,000
tonnes-and chemicals are about the most dire heritage of the Cold War.
Indicatively, they open the list of mass destruction weaponry.
Russia signed the chemical arms ban convention in 1993, and ratified it in
1997-but started actual destruction as late as mid-December 2002, and that only
in Gorny, one of its seven chemical arsenals. Slightly over fifty tonnes of
yperite and lewisite has been destroyed for today, while April 29 is the
deadline for Moscow to report to the world chemical arms ban organisation that
400 tonnes, 1% of the total stock, has been destroyed. An entire 1,160 tonnes
stockpiled in Gorny is to be neutralised within the two next years. Construction
is to start simultaneously of similar works in Kambarka, Udmurtia, and Schuchye,
Kurgan Region.
Russia explains a procrastinated start of arsenal destruction by economic
hardships. That is true-but not the whole truth. Related allocations were
necessary to provide safety and environmental cleanliness of the projects, and
tackle local social problems. Russia was looking forward to overseas aid. Almost
all Western countries made generous promises-but Europe alone was good on its
word. Germany, the best donor of all, allocated US$50 million-the bulk of Gorny
construction costs, and came up with technical assistance and expert advice.
Self-seeking civil servants of Saratov were playing up public phobias, and
fed the local and federal press with unsavoury sensations on disastrous
environment pollution by the Gorny works. All were surprised after the brainwash
to see the efficiency, foolproof safety and environmental cleanliness of the new
project. The many international commissions were fully satisfied.
The appearance of an information centre in Gorny will put an end to
psychological tensions-"cure the Saratov people of chemophobia"-with
telling everything there is to know about project performance, the environmental
situation, and health of the personnel and the population nearby. That will be
exhaustive and unbiased information, says Sergei Kiriyenko, presidential envoy
plenipotentiary to federal district Volga and head of a government interbranch
commission for chemical disarmament.
We cannot say for sure that none other than Gorny success prompted the US
Administration to resume aid as Russia is building a similar project southward,
in Schuchye. There is, however, no chance to deny an impact of the Gorny
breakthrough on America untying its purse strings. The USA promised, quite some
time ago, to donate $880 million to help Russia destroy organophosphorous
agents. Stockpiled in the Kurgan Region is 13% of Russia's total chemical
arsenal-5,462 metric tonnes of sarin, soman and VX gases in mines, artillery
shells, jet projectiles, and tactical and operational-tactical missile warheads.
All kinds of explanations have been coming from the USA to justify aid
suspension. In particular, America pointed out that Russia was not coping with
its obligations to provide engineering networks for the blueprinted project, and
was shrugging off the local population's social problems.
More grudges came after Russia coped with all that. The US Congress made a
thunderbolt demand of Moscow to announce chemical arms not accounted for to this
day-Novice class binary agents were meant, explained the American press; to
provide information about biological arsenals, and admit US inspectors to
whatever chemical and biological projects chosen in Washington, D.C. Congressmen
never cared that Russia was not Iraq. Who pays is to meet obedience, was their
simple logic.
Russia could not put up with that-not merely because it did not intend to
report to the USA things which the USA itself chooses to conceal from the world
public; and not because commercial and technological, let alone state secrecy,
of goings-on at Russian chemical and biological works and research institutes.
It would be preposterous to divulge secrets merely because US Congressmen want
to know them.
Then, if America is reluctant to finance Russian chemical arms destruction,
it ought to say so out loud. Sergei Kirienko and Zinovi Pak, Director of
Russia's Ammunitions Agency, which bears responsibility for chemical agent
disposal, pointed that out more than once at international forums of the
chemical arms ban organisation. In fact, Russia could cope singlehanded, though
behind the convention schedule, they stressed. The US Administration did not say
either yes or now to Russian official inquiries-and never allocated a cent to
the Schuchye project. Things went on like that for three years. Why, now, has
President Bush determined to finish aid suspension? After all, Russia has not
done anything to satisfy Congress.
As independent Russian experts explain, it is improper not to contribute any
longer to international aid to Russia after all leading European countries have
done their bit for Russian chemical arsenal destruction. There is really a world
of difference between Moscow and Baghdad. It is pointless and unwise to face
Russia with ultimatums which America's allies are extremely unlikely to support.
More than that, Russia has by now started implementing its pledges. One can go
on finding fault with Russia on minor points, but no longer on principal
matters. America is facing an unpleasant prospect-the cause will go on without
its contribution, and its public image will be tarnished.
There are another several major reasons. Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana now
leads the Senate foreign affairs committee. The Republican activist is a
household figure-a programme on which allocations are made to destroy Russian
chemical arms bears his name side by side with that of Democratic Senator Sam
Nunn of Georgia. Now, President Bush can play a political trump by helping the
head of one of the leading Senate committees on the noble cause of cleaning the
world of the Cold War aftermath. Besides, Congress allocations are to go not
right to Russia but, partly, to US-based companies who are assisting Russia with
its chemicals.
True, the $160 million allocated by the USA for now to Schuchye industrial
construction will not suffice to get the works going and destroy the huge local
organophosphorous arsenal, which closely approaches 5,500 tonnes. The vast task
will take an entire $880 million the USA formerly pledged. The related political
situation remains as vague-the US Congress has not given up its demands to
Russia but merely shoved them backstage for a time, and may resume them at the
most untimely instant.
All that is not of essential importance any longer, reassure Russian experts.
Russian chemical disarmament has got on a practical footing, and it is harder to
stop it than certain American political leaders may think. If America wants to
help, it is to help-or stay away from the endeavour. Then, it will have to keep
modest silence on its efforts to put an end to the Cold War curse.
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