
#12
Moscow Times
December 19, 2002
The Military's Festive Fracas
By Pavel Felgenhauer
As the year ends and Russia drifts into the period of the Christmas and New
Year closedown, tensions inside the Defense Ministry are growing. There are
constant rumors of imminent changes at the top that will be followed by
extensive middle-ranking personnel changes. But it seems that no one knows who
is slated to go up and who down, so all normal work has terminated long before
the onset of the official holiday season.
It is rumored that Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov will be promoted out of his
present position to be a supreme coordinator of defense policy in the rank of
deputy prime minister, for example; while his present No. 2 man -- Anatoly
Kvashnin, head of the General Staff -- will be bumped up to the top position.
Kvashnin has long had aspirations of becoming defense minister and if he
succeeds, his supporters within the ranks -- already the most prominent clan of
generals in the ministry -- will receive plenty of promotions.
Ivanov has a reputation in the Moscow elite of being highly ineffective.
Since being appointed defense minister in 2001, Ivanov has strained relations
with virtually all prominent defense journalists and is getting lots of bad
publicity. The uniformed military also scorn him as incompetent and ineffective.
But the majority of his uniformed colleagues, the press and the Moscow elite
equally despise Ivanov's archrival Kvashnin for his incompetence and
ineffectiveness. Ivanov is a trusted personal friend of President Vladimir Putin,
while President Boris Yeltsin promoted Kvashnin to his present position in 1997,
when oligarchs unfriendly to Putin ruled in the Kremlin.
It's obvious Putin has a situation on his hands inside the Defense Ministry.
Most likely Putin, as on many other occasions, will try to do nothing and
postpone for as long as possible any drastic personnel changes. But can the
president afford to pay the price of continued indecision, with the military
disintegrating at an alarming pace?
Ivanov recently presented the outline of his long-awaited military reforms,
but has failed to convince any of his critics. Liberals are outraged by plans to
continue the draft indefinitely, while generals who do not want to downsize the
Soviet military machine continue to sabotage attempts to create all-volunteer
combat units.
Ivanov has announced that the airborne 76th division, based in Pskov, near
the border with Estonia and Latvia, will be the first model unit of the new
army, manned only by "contract" soldiers. But this official
"experiment" has already gone wrong: The authorities have failed to
find enough volunteers to man a single regiment of the 76th division.
The pay of contract soldiers is low -- just over $100 a month. An ambitious
project to build new housing for soldiers in Pskov has been cancelled. Last
month, Kvashnin announced that in several months the new contract soldiers of
the 76th will be sent to fight in Chechnya "to demonstrate what they are
worth." To die or get severely wounded for $100 a month is hardly an
attractive proposition even in Russia, so it is no surprise that volunteers are
not coming forward. And many Russian generals secretly applaud this fiasco.
Military reform is teetering, discipline is collapsing, conscripts are
deserting in droves and this week a leading general, the three-star commander of
forces in the North Caucasus and Chechnya Gennady Troshev, publicly challenged
the authority of the defense minister.
Troshev, a popular member of the Kvashnin clan, who is accused by human
rights groups of major war crimes and murder of civilians in Chechnya, told
journalists that he had refused an offer from Ivanov to become the commander of
the Siberian military district. In the North Caucasus, Troshev is today in
command of most of Russia's battle-ready units, while Siberia is a backwater of
a district with virtually no conventional combat troops.
In 1997, Kvashnin was promoted from the North Caucasus district to Moscow,
becoming No. 2 in the military hierarchy. Troshev, Kvashnin's long-time loyal
subordinate, was also awaiting promotion to Moscow (in recognition of all the
war crimes he has committed in Chechnya in Putin's name).
Troshev has publicly dismissed Ivanov's offer of Siberia as an unjust
demotion and also an unwarranted attempt to end the carnage in Chechnya.
If Putin was hoping to maintain the status quo in the Defense Ministry,
Troshev's open insubordination may force the president's hand and speed up
top-level changes.
Pavel Felgenhauer is an independent defense analyst.
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