
#9
FEATURE - Russia, Pakistan profit, Saudi loses from
Sept.11
By Jon Boyle
MOSCOW, Aug 29 (Reuters) - A former KGB spy, two nuclear outcasts and a bevy
of Central Asian despots have emerged as the surprising winners in the
post-September 11 world, while the star of the once reliable royal house of Saud
has waned.
Analysts say Russian President Vladimir Putin seized the chance to offer
unprecedented intelligence aid for the ensuing U.S. "war on terrorism"
that allowed him to reposition Russia as a reliable, though not uncritical,
ally.
Pakistan's military leadership has -- for now -- swapped pariah status for
membership of the coalition hunting for Osama bin Laden, the key suspect in last
year's devastating attacks, its lack of democratic credentials suddenly less
important.
Regional rival India has also gained from the increased U.S. role in the
region, notably over the Kashmir conflict, while Central Asia's once unpalatable
leaders have been born again as U.S. allies and bulwarks against Muslim
extremism.
U.S. bombs and Russian Kalashnikovs relieved Afghanistan of the
little-lamented Taliban rulers that had sheltered bin Laden, though rebuilding
the faction-ridden country will be as daunting as the 12 labours of Hercules for
President Hamid Karzai.
But Saudia Arabia, once the archetypal pro-Western Arab state, has seen its
stock fall sharply. Fifteen of the kingdom's subjects took part in the hijacked
airliner attacks, now known in the United States simply by the U.S. date
"9/11."
RUSSIAN RENAISSANCE
"From an American point of view, there is no question but that Russia
has rocketed up the list of possible partners," said Philip Gordon, senior
fellow at Washington's Brookings Institution. Russia's recent acceptance of
weapons-grade uranium from Yugoslavia in a U.S.-funded operation was clear
evidence of Washington's new-found confidence in Moscow, he said.
"The skill of Putin was not only that he perceived the opportunity of
moving closer to the United States, and at a stroke deflected or deflated the
criticism about Chechnya in all Western governments," said Jonathan Eyal,
director of studies at London's Royal United Services Institute for Defence
Studies.
"He even managed to persuade the elite in Moscow that this time the
conversion is for real, not only on the Russian side, but actually on the
Western side," he said.
Putin has sought tangible economic rewards to buttress political gains such
as full membership of the elite G8 group and a new deal with NATO, still
Europe's premier security body.
A more cooperative U.S. approach to Russia over the oil riches of the Caspian
Sea is already apparent and Moscow now presents itself as an alternative
strategic oil supplier.
"The advantages Russia is getting and will eventually get...are
opportunities, rather than hard cash," said Boris Makarenko, deputy
director of Moscow's Centre for Political Technologies. "But they are
absolutely vital for the modernisation through which Russia is going right
now."
POODLES AND THE DOG HOUSE
Britain's Tony Blair won plaudits in the United States for his unquestioning
support for U.S. President George W. Bush, at the cost of the "poodle"
jibe at home that singer George Michael put to caustic effect in his hit single
"Shoot the Dog."
But, says Francois Heisbourg, director of the Paris-based Foundation for
Strategic Research: "On the big issues important to the British, like the
Kyoto convention (on climate change), the International Criminal Court (for war
criminals), and more generally the creation of a multilateral international
system, the Americans clearly take no account of British interests."
Also down, but not out is NATO. Once an integral part of U.S. security
thinking it was sidestepped as too cumbersome, Washington instead cherry picking
a "coalition of the willing" for the war in Afghanistan.
"The way the U.S. behaved when consulting in the weeks after September
11 was a revelation for certain countries well integrated into NATO, which
hadn't realised just how marginal NATO had become in U.S. strategic
thinking," Heisbourg said.
But it retains an important role in European security: witness U.S. support
for the planned further enlargement into former Communist eastern Europe this
November.
Russia and Britain aside, Washington's ruling conservatives are deeply
disappointed with their Cold War-era allies in Europe. "There's a
perception that Europe isn't prepared to stand full with us in the war on
terrorism," said Gordon of the Brookings Institution.
"Moscow on the other hand is solid, and its rather ironic that...since
September 11 it's the Russians who are the prime partner, and possibly energy
partner and counter-terrorism partner, much more than the West Europeans."
WIN-WIN FOR TRADITIONAL ENEMIES
India and Pakistan, in the international dog house for testing nuclear bombs,
suddenly found themselves in favour.
Pakistan's leader General Pervez Musharraf, until then an outcast under
pressure to restore democratic rule, became a key player in U.S.-led military
action in neighbour Afghanistan while juggling fierce domestic opposition to his
polices.
"He's a much freer hand to keep his (nuclear) bomb and keep his military
power than he had before. So in that sense he clearly wins," Gordon said.
Rival India, meanwhile, saw the row over its nuclear tests forgotten as
Washington's focus changed.
"Although the United States is closer to Pakistan at the moment for the
obvious reasons, I don't think there's much doubt in American military planners
that the long-term strategic partner in the region is India," said Eyal.
"India is the democracy, the huge state with a huge economy to match.
Pakistan will be much more a fair-weather friend while relations with India are
going to be for the long duration."
Heisbourg said China was a big loser having lost its ally Pakistan to the
United States' muscular embrace.
The Chinese feeling of "strategic suffocation" was aggravated by
the good relations between Russia and the United States, he said. Beijing had
traditionally used Moscow as a counterweight to U.S. influence.
Others said its fraught domestic politics meant Pakistan was not much of a
loss to China, which is using regional groupings to carve itself a new role in
Central Asia. The U.S. obsession with counter-terrorism would also slow missile
defence that China fears will undermine its nuclear arsenal.
ROYAL LOSER
September 11 has, however, fuelled a radical U.S. rethink of its relations
with Saudi Arabia, the Gulf state and oil exporter long Washington's key Arab
economic and military ally in the region.
Home to most of the extremists who flew the passenger jets into U.S.
landmarks on September 11, the oil-rich kingdom is now seen as part of the
problem not the solution.
"The Saudis have been playing a very duplicitous game," said Eyal.
"They are officially pro-Western while privately they were financing the
export of this boorish, simple, stupid form of Islam that they support, which is
actually not shared by almost any other country in the world.
"The one issue which was unthinkable until now, planning for after the
house of Saud has disappeared from Saudi Arabia, is now very much what American
planners are thinking of. So perhaps bin Laden has succeeded in that narrow
respect. It has changed our view of the way we look at Saudi Arabia."
Steven Simon, assistant director of London's International Institute for
Strategic Studies, said despite U.S. frustrations, Saudia Arabia remained an
important player in the Middle East.
"The U.S. and Saudi Arabia are still doomed to sleep with each other
every night. There are limits to how aggravated each side can allow itself to
get," he said.
Simon, however, believes talk of winners and losers overlooks the real
significance of the 3,000 deaths in the Pentagon and the World Trade Centre's
twin towers.
"(The big change is) the emergence of apocalyptic terrorism and the
dangers that weapons of mass destruction attacks pose to Western
democracies," he said. "Nothing much is being done about that, because
it's just very hard to do anything about."
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