
#6
Moscow Times
August 15, 2002
Was Kursk Tragedy Pivotal?
By Pavel Felgenhauer
Two years ago, the Kursk nuclear submarine sank in the Barents Sea during one
of the most ambitious naval exercises since the Soviet Union's demise. One
hundred and eighteen seamen perished and the tragedy is still an issue of
considerable national significance.
Actually, the continued public interest in the Kursk debacle is somewhat
strange. In the years leading up to 2000, many servicemen were killed in action
in the Caucasus. Thousands more have died or committed suicide in garrisons
outside of Chechnya because of accidents with equipment, hazing and the
appalling conditions of service. This senseless loss of young lives is, of
course, an issue for the families of the dead men, but it never became a
national issue as the Kursk did.
Centuries of living in extremely harsh conditions have, apparently, inured
Russians to the death of others. This week, many Russian tourists continued to
bathe and have fun at the beach only meters away from servicemen who were
hauling out of the Black Sea the corpses of other holiday makers who had drowned
during catastrophic floods in the Novorossiisk area.
The authorities would surely want the public to forget about the embarrassing
Kursk debacle. Neither President Vladimir Putin nor anyone of significance from
his government nor the military top brass appeared at any memorial events this
week. But the disaster is clearly a very special case.
The government itself did a lot to aggravate the Kursk tragedy. For a week
after the disaster, the naval command lied that the Kursk seamen were alive and
well under the waves, creating false hopes of a miracle salvation. For many
months after the sinking, naval commanders and politicians were putting forward
"evidence" that a U.S. submarine deliberately, or by mistake, sank the
Kursk -- encouraging bitter xenophobic sentiments.
Now the government bureaucracy says that all the stories of foreign
involvement in the sinking of the Kursk were the result of bad sensationalist
reporting. But it was the authorities themselves that leaked the foreign
submarine yarns to unscrupulous journalists.
The public quite rightly believes it has been fooled and manipulated time and
again, and so the latest official narrative is scorned by many. New apocryphal
versions of "what really happened" will no doubt continue to appear
for years to come.
There is something else that makes the Kursk tragedy a story with many future
repercussions. In retrospect it may turn out to have been a turning point in
Russia's defense and foreign policy position. During the summer of 2000, the
newly elected Putin openly showed his favor toward the navy. The exercises in
which the Kursk went down were supposed to show the Kremlin and the world that
the navy still had the capability to challenge the West, and primarily the
United States, on the high seas.
After the show of strength in the Barents Sea, a formidable flotilla --
including the Kursk and Russia's only aircraft carrier, Kuznetsov -- should have
gone to the Mediterranean in the fall of 2000. Moscow planned to reactivate its
naval station in Syria, which has been idle since the demise of the Soviet
Union, and make it the main operational base of a recreated Mediterranean task
force. Putin is reported to have approved the plan and commentators close to the
Kremlin say that if it had worked out, Russia's increased military presence in
the region could have prevented the collapse of Slobodan Milosevic's regime in
Yugoslavia.
Of course, none of these strategic fantasies ever materialized. The Kursk
sank, and other ships designated for the Mediterranean deployment were used to
salvage the Kursk, to post a permanent naval patrol to guard its wreck from NATO
spy ships, etc.
The Kuznetsov is currently in dock for repairs and will not sail again
earlier than in 2004. There is no permanent Russian naval presence in the
Mediterranean and there are no plans for any large-scale excursions to the area.
The naval station in Syria has no business to do. Now Moscow is stationing new
ships in the land-locked Caspian Sea, where it actually could play the role of a
local naval superpower.
The Kursk debacle revealed once and for all how completely unfounded our
admirals' global ambitions were. After that Putin turned away from the navy and
its ideas of challenging the United States. It may have been the Kursk tragedy
in 2000 that made Putin change his posture toward the West in 2001.
Pavel Felgenhauer is an independent defense analyst.
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