
#4
Moscow Times
June 20, 2002
Dirty Bomb Threat Is Real
By Pavel Felgenhauer
Last week, while in Moscow, U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft announced
that U.S. security services succeeded in foiling an attempt by al-Qaida
terrorists to detonate a "dirty" radioactive bomb in Washington. Later
it emerged that the U.S. authorities had only arrested a suspect and had not
seized any radioactive materials.
The story may turn out to be a false alarm. It also may be that the
radioactive material to make a dirty bomb is already stashed away somewhere in
the United States waiting to be used.
Since Sept. 11, the U.S. authorities have been scrambling to deploy
radioactivity detecting devices at all ports, passenger and freight border
crossings, etc. But establishing a reliable network of detectors to control all
possible illicit transport of radioactive materials throughout the United States
is a serious challenge. It will take years, billions of dollars and still may
not be fully effective.
Plutonium and MOX-fuel -- a mixture of uranium and plutonium oxide, used as
fuel in nuclear power plants -- emit heavy particles that can be stopped by a
sheet of paper. It's easy to make a dirty bomb using plutonium or MOX-fuel
powder. Makers should be relatively safe, if they use a respirator, wash before
eating and bury their contaminated clothing.
Plutonium is not easy to detect during transportation and is virtually
harmless if not ingested. But even minute amounts of plutonium powder are
totally deadly when inhaled or swallowed.
Most scientists agree there is no such thing as a "safe" dose of
radioactive exposure, especially if relatively long-living isotopes like
plutonium or cesium penetrate and lodge in body tissues. The higher the dose,
the higher the risk of sickness or death. But there is no lower limit at which
the risk is zero. Some individuals are more resistant than others.
It does not take large clouds of radioactivity to disrupt the life of a big
city permanently and cause evacuation of the contaminated area for an indefinite
period.
It is possible, at least in theory, to get hold of the material to make a
dirty bomb inside the United States. Over half a century of nuclear production
in the United States has produced thousands of tons of highly radioactive waste.
Not all of it is adequately stored or fully accounted for. Former Soviet
republics may also be a source of radioactive danger. Efforts have been made to
try to guard weapons-grade nuclear material in Russia, but radioactive waste is
often dumped and not guarded at all.
In Chechnya, a Soviet-era nuclear burial ground of the Moscow-based state-run
Radon company has been in the middle of the protracted war, and for years it was
not controlled by anyone. It is believed some radioactive substances were
removed by Chechen militants, but no one knows for sure how much, since accurate
logs are absent and no one is keen to volunteer to dig up the radioactive burial
ground to see what's missing.
Russian-Iranian nuclear cooperation is another source of concern. Russian
diplomats say Washington has recently been ratcheting up pressure on Moscow to
sever links with Iran.
Russia is building a 1,000-megawatt nuclear reactor in Iran that will produce
non-weapons-grade plutonium. But it will produce unlimited quantities of
radioactive waste, plutonium good for dirty bombs and other dangerous
radioactive compounds -- sufficient to load onto ballistic missiles targeted at
Israel instead of the nukes that Iran does not have; or maybe provide terrorists
with radioactive powder to add to suicide bombs instead of nails.
In a year or two the Iranian reactor will be operational, and the United
States seems ready to prevent this at all costs. At present, U.S. diplomats say
they are offering Moscow different goodies: Pentagon procurement of Russian-made
helicopters specifically modified to fly in the mountains of Afghanistan, NASA
buying more Russian-made space equipment, and so on.
But Moscow is resisting the mounting pressure and offers of compensation.
Opaque barter deals with Iran often bring much more personal wealth to specific
influential individuals in Russia than do contracts with the U.S. government.
The Iranian nuclear connection is increasingly the main stumbling block in
U.S.-Russian relations.
If no compromise is found in the coming months, the United States may use its
new strategy of preventive nonproliferation and hit the Russian-built reactor,
even if Russian technicians are still there.
Pavel Felgenhauer is an independent defense analyst.
BACK TO THE TOP #211 CONTENTS NEXT SECTION
|