|
|

#15
RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
RFE/RL (Un)Civil Societies
Vol. 3, No. 24, 12 June 2002
NGOS TACKLE TORTURE WITH HELP OF UN PANEL
By Catherine A. Fitzpatrick
Torture has not abated since the collapse of the Soviet Union, it has only
worsened. The testimonies of victims, human rights lawyers, and international
agencies indicate that the old adage of Stalin's Prosecutor-General Andrei
Vyshinsky, "confession is the crown of evidence," still holds sway
throughout the post-Soviet criminal justice systems, as authorities resort
increasingly to mistreatment in custody even as other social and political
controls have loosened.
Increased international scrutiny and engagement, and new initiatives by NGOs,
however, are beginning to have an impact. Five and 10 years ago, when the UN
Committee Against Torture (CAT) examined compliance by the newly independent
states on the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or
Degrading Treatment, they basically gave the countries a pass -- with a mild
admonition to try harder, recognizing that these were "countries in
transition."
By the third periodic reviews, however, with fresh activism by NGOs
nonexistent a decade ago, and increased interest from liberal parliamentarians
and the media, the free ride was over. In May, after hearing both official
reports from government delegations, notable for their inadequate reporting and
evasion, and some hard-hitting alternative reports from Russian and Uzbek NGOs
providing a starker picture, CAT delivered one of its most frank and stringent
critiques ever.
A coalition of Russian NGOs, led by the Nizhnii Novgorod Committee Against
Torture, illustrated the power of the provinces to make themselves heard at an
international meeting by concentrating on technical procedures. Joined by larger
organizations with offices in Moscow including Memorial Human Rights Center, the
Soldier's Mothers Committee, and the Committee on Civil Rights, the Nizhnii
Novgorod group decided to use its own experiences in Russia's "third
city" as a window on the entire criminal justice system and other
institutions where abuse takes place, such as the army.
Out of a staggering nationwide system of nearly a million prisoners (the
highest per capita number after China) they tracked just 70 cases of anguished
torture victims over a two-year period -- persons caught up in abusive police
investigation who were merely witnesses to crimes, or falsely accused of crimes,
or even those found guilty of crimes, but who suffered unlawful treatment at the
hands of the government. In each of the cases -- ranging from harsh and repeated
beatings and sleep deprivation to notorious Russian torture implements such as
the "elephant" (asphyxiation with the use of a gas mask) or rape with
truncheons and electric shock -- the NGOs tried to compile information, file
appeals, file paperwork again and again when it was lost, and managed to keep
alive only a fraction of their cases. Only four reached the stage where the
prosecutor charged police with torture; others are still pending, but 40 victims
dropped their cases, losing hope.
Most frustrating were cases like that of the Varnenskii district Interior
Directorate, where police were notorious for racking up some 19 cases of torture
victims' allegations. A local prosecutor began a probe -- and then was himself
fired for his whistle blowing. Those in uniform closed ranks, and the cycle
began all over again.
The practice of brutal hazing in the army, known as "dedovshchina,"
also comes under the purview of CAT, as does abductions and disappearances --
torture both for the victim and the families who never find out their
whereabouts. The CAT noted numerous "ongoing reports of severe violations
of human rights and the Convention [against Torture], including arbitrary
detention, torture and ill treatment, including forced confessions,
extrajudicial killings, and forced disappearances, particularly during 'special
operations' or 'sweeps,' and the creation of illegal temporary centers of
detention, including 'filtration camps'" and also noted allegations of
"brutal sexual violence are unusually common" -- despite recent orders
to troops in Russia to stop such attacks on civilians. These orders are
routinely disobeyed to date, as sweeps through Chechen villages such as Mesker-Yurt
continue this month, catching up both young men and women, some of whom have
been murdered or disappeared while in federal custody. Memorial issued a report
claiming "malicious noncompliance with the orders," include the
failure of troops to identify themselves, to notify relatives of detentions, or
to permit the pro-Moscow civilian administration of Chechnya to be present at
the sweeps.
As in past years, and as with other post-Soviet countries with torture and
disappearances such as Belarus, CAT also urged Russia to form a new independent
committee to investigation allegations, adding this year that it must be
"credible and impartial" in part in response to the failure of a
number of such bodies already in existence in Russia to compel prevention or
prosecution of abuses.
With a new code of criminal procedures due to go into effect in July in
Russia, a window of opportunity seems to be opening for change, in part promoted
by officialdom itself. Deputy Justice Minister Yurii Kalinin himself told
Interfax on 6 May that up to 60 percent of prisoners in pretrial detention are
ultimately not sentenced to imprisonment, or are freed on rehabilitation
grounds. This means that people were arrested without sufficient reasons,
Kalinin said.
Also, Prosecutor-General Dmitrii Ustinov, in an annual report covered by
"Rossiiskaya gazeta" on 30 April, unexpectedly admitted the negative
influence of the Soviet-style system of rewarding law-enforcers for their
performance based on the percentage of the number of crimes. He noted that
despite 70 percent of all crimes being solved by police, "their efforts
were frequently directed not to protecting the specific citizen who was
victimized by crime, but to achieving a desired numerical figure for reduction
in crime." NGOs added that such an incentive system also leads to the use
of torture to force confessions in order to solve cases quickly -- at least on
paper.
The UN torture panel urged Russia to draft a distinct article in the criminal
code to identify and address torture. Even the conservative State Duma had taken
some steps in the past to comply with the international recommendation, and yet
they were blocked by a Kremlin representative, who sent a letter cited in the
NGO report that such a move would "destroy the coherence of the Criminal
Code." NGOs and liberal deputies also cited a Kremlin-ordered blockage of
another law supporting unannounced outside inspections of detention facilities,
a remedy endorsed by key figures in the Duma as well as law-enforcers themselves
and Human Rights Ombudsman Oleg Mironov.
While the UN has no capacity to enforce the conclusions of its treaty bodies,
NGOs say that bolstered by such validation of their concerns, gradually, their
complaints are being addressed. "The Ministry of Justice has approved a
government program to combat tuberculosis. Deputy Ministry Yurii Kalinin has
promised that the grills over the prison windows which had kept out air will be
removed," Andrei Babushkin of the Committee for Civil Rights told "Novye
Izvestiya," which chronicled the NGOs efforts at the UN on 25 May.
Following up on the testimony of NGOs that not a single example seemed to
exist of a court dismissal of evidence obtained under torture, the CAT urged the
Russian Supreme Court to establish guidelines for judges regarding the
inadmissibility of testimony made under torture. They also called for
consideration of civilian review to scrutinize mistreatment of junior officers
by each other or superiors, ending the closed circle documented by NGOs, where
military commanders themselves decide whether and how cases are investigated,
and military judges heed their signals to drop them.
Uzbekistan also came in for far closer examination this year at CAT, where
for the first time, alternative reports prepared by NGOs were distributed,
including from the Uzbekistan Legal Aid Society and others prepared with the
assistance of "Ezgulik" (Good Deed) Human Rights Society and Memorial
Human Rights Center.
Using unusually strong language, the committee called on the Uzbek government
to review all convictions handed down since 1995 that were based solely on
confessions, recognizing that they may have been coerced through torture, and
"as appropriate, provide prompt and impartial investigation and take
appropriate remedial measures."
As authorities in Uzbekistan have cracked down on thousands of devout Muslims
active outside the confines of state-sponsored Islam, and NGOs have chronicled
numerous cases of torture and deaths in detention, the CAT response is an
important official condemnation from the international community. NGOs noted the
well-known cases of Emin Usman, a member of the Union of Writers and former head
of the Uighur Cultural Center in Tashkent, who died in February 2001 in
detention from numerous wounds three weeks after arrest; and the death in June
2001 of Shovrik Ruzimuradov, the chair of the Kashkadar regional chapter of the
Uzbekistan Human Rights Society, who was said to have committed suicide after
three weeks of detention but whose body was discovered to have multiple
injuries.
While conceding the need to combat terrorism and its international
dimensions, CAT urged Uzbekistan to adopt "measures to permit detainees
access to a lawyer, doctor, and family members from the time when they are taken
into custody, and ensure that doctors will be provided at the request of
detained persons, rather than at the permission of prison officials." The
International Committee for the Red Cross and local NGOs have had only partial
access to the prisons, and it is hoped that the impetus from Geneva engendered
by such a review will strengthen their hand in efforts to humanize the brutal
penitentiary system.
BACK TO THE TOP #210 CONTENTS
|
|