#10
The Russia Journal
June 7-13, 2002
WMD sellers international
By ANDREI PIONTKOVSKY

Overall, the Russian-American summit was all bliss and sugary sweetness. The one slightly sour note came during the two presidents’ joint press conference when the subject turned to Iran. This confirms that Iran remains probably the main stumbling block between the two countries, which have declared that they are "already allies in the global struggle against international terrorism."

With regards to Iraq, the two sides said in a joint declaration that Russia and the United States would "continue their constructive dialogue." The use of the word "constructive" means, no doubt, that despite intense pressure from home-grown Saddam supporters, Moscow no longer sees Saddam Hussein’s backside as Russia’s national asset, and is taking a more pragmatic approach, seeking guarantees for its economic interests in a post-Saddam Iraq.

But concerning Iran, President Vladimir Putin used home-produced arguments at the press conference, both unexpected and interesting.

First, Putin said that Moscow had convincing proof that a number of Western companies are helping Iran develop its missile and nuclear programs. That such a statement should be made at such high level leaves no doubt that this proof does indeed exist and that it was most likely shown to U.S. President George W. Bush.

This in itself is no real sensation. The nearly forgotten 19th-century German economist Karl Marx rightly pointed out that, even at the risk of the gallows, there is no crime capital wouldn’t commit, so long as a good profit could be guaranteed. It’s well known, for example, that French, British and other Western companies helped Iraq with its nuclear-missile programs.

Russia’s young capitalists are no less ambitious than their Western colleagues. There is a known case when containers containing a special steel needed for missile production were seized on the Azerbaijan-Iran border. More scandalous was the incident when the Russian Atomic Energy Ministry was caught red-handed going behind the Russian leadership’s back to sign an agreement to deliver to Iran a uranium isotope separation centrifuge able to produce weapons-grade highly enriched uranium. Of course, the Atomic Energy Ministry is not exactly a private company, but a minister in Russia is more than a minister, and Marx’s words about capitalists apply equally well to Russia’s capitalist-minded state officials.

Putin’s argument also lets slip an admission that it would be foolish and impossible to deny. Iran seeks nuclear missile potential, and the United States is right to feel concerned about this. At the same time, by providing proof of Western companies’ involvement in Iran’s programs, Putin takes the issue beyond the traditional boundaries of unilateral accusations against Russia, placing it in the context of multilateral international cooperation in "ensuring the security of technology, information, specialized knowledge and materials related to weapons of mass destruction and missiles."

As one well-known character would have said, "That’s a strong move, Vladimir Vladimirovich."

The second argument, suggested by some Foreign Ministry official, raised concerns about Taiwan’s missile program – and it wasn’t such a success.

As for Russia’s policy toward Iran, the issue goes far beyond simply being a point on the Russian-American agenda, especially in light of the evermore open challenge Iran is raising for Russia regarding the Caspian Sea. But I will save that subject for the next column.

The writer is director of the Center for Strategic Research.

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