#10
Foreign Policy
March-April 2002
Global Newsstand
Russian NGOs Go Nuclear
By Jon B. Wolfsthal

Digest of the Russian Journal Yaderny Kontrol (Nuclear Control), Vol. 7,
No. 1, Winter 2002, Moscow

In few areas does the characteristic pessimism of the average Russian seem more justified than in the outlook for a free press. The crackdown on independent television in Russia took a possibly final turn in January 2002 with the government’s decision to shut down the last nonstate-controlled broadcaster, TV6. The virtual disappearance of media freedom from the U.S.-Russian political agenda in the glow of the new post–September 11 Washington-Moscow relationship hasn’t exactly helped, either. As one Russian analyst recently observed, “It is not clear yet whether the principles of freedom of speech and expression which were laid down in the late 1980s and early 1990s will endure throughout this [current] transition, for nowadays some people consider them to be unnecessary.”

But with constraints on the media still growing, Russia’s burgeoning nongovernmental organization (NGO) community is stepping into the breach, influencing Russian policy in arenas from environmental to security affairs and providing an increasing amount of information to the Russian public. Thus argues a recent article by Vladimir Orlov, founder of the Moscow-based Center for Policy Studies (PIR), a top nuclear affairs NGO. As striking as the essay’s content is its vehicle—the PIR Center’s own six-year-old publication Yaderny Kontrol, a bimonthly journal (with an English-language quarterly digest) that has become an important medium for Russian policymakers on nuclear issues.

In his article “The Russian NGO Community: A New Player on the Russian Nonproliferation and Arms Control Scene,” Orlov highlights the “several hundreds of thousands” of NGOs already founded and incorporated in Russia and praises Russia’s 1996 Law on Non-Profit Organizations, which Orlov characterizes as “effective” and “fair.” Part history lesson, part how-to plan, and part pep talk, the article also explains how the PIR Center has successfully navigated rough political waters to influence sensitive national policy issues, including nuclear security and disarmament. And make no mistake, these waters are indeed dangerous—nuclear researchers have been jailed for extended periods, and one American Princeton-based researcher was forced to leave Russia by overzealous security officers. However, the PIR Center remains undeterred and continues to push for “Russia’s … unequivocal commitment to move toward general and complete nuclear disarmament.”

Orlov acknowledges that NGOs are regarded with “a certain ambivalence, or even suspicion” by Russian authorities. Fueling this attitude is the fact that local NGOs are mostly financed by U.S. foundations. He laments that Russia’s new business elites have yet to embrace the cause or even the concept of philanthropy. Yet despite these concerns, Orlov remains optimistic about the current influence and future outlook for the Russian NGO community.

The author outlines the keys to success for Russian NGOs. He argues that they should operate from Russian territory, remain fully independent of government (including financially), diversify their funding sources, combine high-quality technical and social science expertise, pursue a wide audience, obtain feedback from consumers on their products, strictly comply with Russian law, and cooperate with other research and advocacy organizations. The author also stresses the importance of attracting high-quality staffers, who “with their intellectual abilities, enthusiasm and devotion to the organization are more decisive to an organization’s success than other factors.” He favors an intergenerational approach and proposes creating fellowships and internships in non-proliferation to attract younger Russian experts to the NGO field.

Orlov’s recommendations may seem obvious to the Western eye, but as the author explains, they must be understood in light of recent Russian history. “For a long time,” the author writes, “many Russian officials could not believe that any organization or institution that was not officially controlled would be allowed to address … sensitive issues.” Of course, not even large numbers of NGOs can compensate for the loss of an independent media. Both sectors are critical to the prospects for sustained development, democracy, and rule of law in Russia. But NGOs can and already do fulfill an important (if sometimes underappreciated) role. Unfortunately, their operations can easily fall victim to the same forces that have undermined the open press in Russia. Orlov’s good advice may help keep those forces at bay.

Jon B. Wolfsthal is an associate with the Non-Proliferation Project of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, D.C.

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