
#10
TITLE: REMARKS BY ALEXANDER VERSHBOW, US AMBASSADOR TO
RUSSIA, AT THE CONFERENCE "RUSSIA ON THE RISE", ORGANIZED
BY THE AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE IN RUSSIA AND THE EXPERT INSTITUTE
[RADISSON SLAVYANSKAYA HOTEL, 9:00, FEBRUARY 26, 2002]
SOURCE: FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE (http://www.fednews.ru/)
Somers: We're delighted that our first
speaker this morning, Ambassador Alexander Vershbow, will address the changing
the dynamics of the Russian-American political relationship. Mr. Vershbow became
ambassador less than a year ago, having most previously been ambassador to NATO
and intimately involved in the restructuring of NATO's mission for the post-Cold
War period. He has shown a remarkable grasp of comprehending and acting upon
complex business and trade issues, which I guess if you're dealing with missiles
and other issues, is not that much of a leap forward, but we in business do
think that our issues are complicated. We think we have no greater friend at the
US Embassy than Ambassador Vershbow, and I mean both the Russian and the
American business community. He is strongly behind the Russian-American business
dialogue.
I now present to you Ambassador Alexander Vershbow.
Vershbow: Thank you very much, Andrew.
And it is more complicated than missiles.
But I do want to thank the American Chamber of Commerce and the Expert
Institute for this opportunity to say a few words about the new relationship
that is emerging between the United States and Russia, and in particular the
economic and business dimension -- how it fits in the larger picture. But let me
make a few initial comments about the overall state of the relationship.
Unfortunately, there is a tendency to focus on our disagreements. To some
extent, this is a legacy of the Cold War. The most recent manifestation of this
sort of thinking are the many commentaries in the press, both here and in the
United States, to the effect that US-Russian relations have taken a turn for the
worse after a strictly tactical post-September 11th convergence of interests.
With anti-terrorist operations in Afghanistan wrapped up, the argument goes, the
basis for this so-called temporary alliance has largely disappeared and
differences are allegedly taking center stage. The hullabaloo in this country
surrounding the Winter Olympics has only added to the sense of gloom and doom
and does cause all of us a bit of distress.
But I nevertheless believe that pessimism about US-Russian relations is
completely unfounded. This isn't to say that there aren't differences between
us. There are some, as there are bound to be in relations between any great
powers with wide-ranging interests. We will continue to disagree in some areas,
as is the case even with our traditional allies. I can say that from my
experience at NATO. But focusing on what divides us misses the forest for the
trees.
President Bush and President Putin have fundamentally redefined the
relationship between our two countries since their first meetings in Ljubljana
and Genoa last June, and they've put behind us much of the legacy of Cold War
thinking. I believe we now have the basis for managing, if not resolving, our
differences on the basis of what President Putin has called "logic of
common interests."
The new post-Cold War US-Russian relationship is based on far more solid
ground than just the need to fight the common enemy of international terrorism.
It's founded on a more enduring interest in defending and extending the common
values of democracy, the free market, and the rule of law. And this is more than
rhetoric. I believe that Presidents Bush and Putin are committed to making our
real-world political and economic relations reflect these shared fundamental
values.
Since the first Bush-Putin meetings last summer, our countries have been
expanding cooperation across a broad agenda. We're working on deep reductions in
strategic nuclear arms. We're developing a qualitatively new NATO-Russian
partnership. We're working to bring stability to the Balkans and other troubled
regions of the world. We are expanding our economic ties and promoting Russia's
integration into the World Trade Organization. So a lot of this was already
underway last summer, and Russia's strong support for the anti-terrorist
coalition after September 11th simply added further impetus to this positive
agenda.
When our two presidents met in Washington and in Crawford in November, they
agreed that the most effective way for the welfare of American and Russian
citizens to be assured would be through a market economy, freedom of economic
choice, and an open democratic society. In their joint statements on the new
US-Russian relationship, the two presidents pledged to pursue these goals in
part by expanding economic, trade and investment relations between our two
countries. They recognized that doing this will require the elimination of
legislative and administrative barriers to trade and investment, a transparent
and predictable investment climate, and market-based economic reforms. All of
these things will obviously be good for Russia, good for the United States, and
good for relations between our two countries.
The key point is that government and the private sector must work together in
both countries to achieve these objectives, and I think they are already making
good progress in doing so.
The businessmen among you, Russian and American, are far more familiar than I
am with the limiting effect on trade and investment that can be caused by
legislative and administrative barriers to trade and by the lack of transparency
in the business climate. The recommendations of the Russian-American Business
Dialogue, which are currently being developed and will soon be formally
presented to the two governments, are of very crucial importance, and I want to
commend the leadership on the spirit of cooperation demonstrated by all four of
the participants in this dialogue: the American Chamber of Commerce; the
US-Russia Business Council; the Russian-American Business Council; and the Union
of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. We will certainly continue to work closely
with you and with the Russian government in keeping with the commitment of our
two presidents in order to eliminate the investment barriers that you have
highlighted in your initial work.
I don't have to tell this audience that we have barely half the potential for
trade and investment between Russia and the United States. Our trade still
represents less than one percent of total US trade worldwide, and our $7 billion
in directed portfolio investment is on par with US investment in Costa Rica. So
that enormous potential for the growth that still is out there underlines the
importance of dealing with the impediments to trade and investment as quickly as
possible.
I think you can continue to count on the US government's commitment to
promoting trade and investment. Our Commerce Secretary, Don Evans, has already
been to Russia twice leading a business development mission on the second visit
in October. Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham,
and our Trade Representative Bob Zoellick have also met with their Russian
counterparts several times over the last six months to advance our agenda on a
range of economic, energy and trade issues. The Prime Minister, Mr. Kasyanov,
and Ministers Gref and Kudrin have all visited the United States to meet with
their counterparts. And next month a US oil and gas trade mission will travel to
Sakhalin, and a senior Commerce Department official will participate in an
aerospace forum with US and Russian companies here in Moscow. So the work
continues.
I'd also mention that the Export-Import Bank, the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, and the Trade Development Agency of the United States are promoting
bilateral trade and investment through project assessment, project finance, and
risk insurance. OPIC's project insurance and finance for Russia totals more than
$425 million, and we will be increasing our funding for programs like the EBRD's
Russia Small Business Fund in order to provide more financing for Russian
entrepreneurs and to help Russian financial institutions provide such financing.
I'm pleased that Andrew mentioned the fact that our embassy is, and will
remain, an aggressive advocate for American companies who have been subjected to
unfair business practices, which have unfortunately done serious damage to
Russia's reputation as a place to invest and conduct business. We are now
engaged in a regular and productive dialogue with our counterparts at the
Ministry of Economic Development and Trade in an effort to resolve these
outstanding disputes, and we will continue to raise them as necessary with the
Russian government at all levels. And in addition, we'll be continuing to work
with our Russian counterparts to address issues of corporate governance,
transparency, and fair business practices with a view to improving the business
climate for Russian as well as American companies.
Now, trade promotion and business advocacy are, of course, just part of
what's required to tap this huge potential that still exists for expanded
US-Russian trade and investment. Banking reform is essential. It can be one of
the key missing links in the Russian government's otherwise very impressive
reform agenda to date. When they met in Washington, our two presidents called
for the creation of a Russian-American banking dialogue, and this dialogue will,
we hope, bring together the private sector's views and its recommendations on
what's needed to build a vibrant banking sector in Russia. Clearly a safe,
sound, competitive and transparent banking system will sustain economic growth
here, particularly with regard to the still credit-strapped small and medium
business sectors.
I mentioned Russia's integration into the world-based global trading system
of the WTO, and that, too, is essential to building confidence in the climate
for trade and investment between our two countries. We remain committed to
working with the Russian government to accelerate its WTO accession. Our
negotiators have met bilaterally on more than a monthly basis since September,
and we expect the WTO to product its draft working party report on Russia's
accession very soon, and this would be sort of the road map for the remaining
steps Russia must take to complete its succession.
We've been very clear and consistent regarding the conditions for WTO
accession. Russia will be asked to meet standards that are no less and no more
than those asked of other countries. We'll not ask for "WTO
"Plus," but neither will we settle for "WTO Light." Russia
has to continue to make progress in deregulation. It must increase transparency,
create a level playing field for Russian and foreign enterprises, and perhaps
most challengingly, improve intellectual property rights protection.
Now, I should say that WTO membership does not mean that Russia needs to
completely open every bit of its market. This is a common misconception here.
What Russia does need to do is fully accept the rules-based system governing
international trade that the WTO represents and offer improved market access for
other countries, firms and products. This will help Russian exporting industries
and improve the competitiveness of all sectors of the Russian economy, and the
resulting growth will, in the end, benefit all Russian citizens. It will benefit
us too because trade and investment is not a zero sum game. An economically
strong Russia will be a more stable and capable partner with which the United
States can cooperate on the political and strategic levels.
I think that a sound economic relationship between the US and Russia is, in
many ways, the cornerstone of the broader new relationship that is emerging
between our two countries. As Ambassador Bob Zoellick said last week in South
Africa, free trade is about freedom; it's about economic liberty; and it's about
political liberty. All these things are interconnected. And the United States
government is committed to working with the Russian government and with the
private sectors of both countries to expand the frontier of shared economic
interests. These shared interests will, in turn, strengthen the basis for
cooperation across a broad spectrum of issues and establish a relationship that
will allow us to work together and resolve not just today's problems, but the
many problems that we will face together.
Somers: Thank you, Ambassador Vershbow,
for that insightful commentary from the perspective of the US government on the
Russian-American economic and political relationship.
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