
#7
Yezhenedelny Zhurnal
No. 5
February 2002
HOW ARE WE ANY WORSE?
Analysis of the roots of anti-Americanism in Russia
Author: Lev Gudkov
[from WPS Monitoring Agency, www.wps.ru/e_index.html]
DISLIKE OF AMERICA IS A TYPE OF WELL-KNOWN IRRITATION AN IMPOVERISHED
PROVINCE EXPERIENCES TOWARD A WEALTHY AND POWERFUL CAPITAL OR CENTER. RUSSIA
LOST THE 20TH CENTURY, AND THIS IS WHAT IT PERSISTENTLY REFUSES TO UNDERSTAND,
MUCH LESS ADMIT. AS FOR CHECHNYA - MOST RUSSIANS SIMPLY DON'T CARE.
The September 11 terrorist attacks drew attention to a problem which, though
long known, had never been in the spotlight before. The problem is
anti-Americanism. The terrorist attacks against deeply symbolic objects in
America horrified observers by the modus operandi and many casualties; but, more
importantly, by the sheer force of hatred directed at the United States.
Needless to say, anti- Americanism is not restricted to the enmity of Islamic or
Arab radicals alone. It is also to be found in Europe, Asia, Latin America,
Africa - and Russia.
The United States is the target of dislike much more profound than any
dictatorial regime which kills many of its own citizens or those of another
state. This dislike stems from two sources. On the one hand, the 20th century
may be rightfully called the American century. The unimaginable and intolerable
success of the United States made it the unquestioned leader of the world - but
generated a lot of vague but all the more grating feelings of the "Why not
us?" or "How are we any worse?" type. On the other hand, by
denouncing the American way of life and denying the Americans the status of a
cultured nation (to say nothing of ascribing numerous flaws to them), their
critics directly or indirectly emphasize their own propriety and traits (real or
mythical). In other words, cultivated hatred of America is an effective and
cheap means of highlighting national or social self- importance.
Dislike of America is a type of well-known irritation an impoverished
province experiences toward a wealthy and powerful capital or center. This
negativism appears in modern civilization as well. Not at the nucleus, but on
the periphery. Camel-herders do not carry out terrorist attacks. Those who do so
are people who were educated at European or American universities, who lived in
the United States or Europe for years.
Widespread anti-Americanism is a secondary phenomenon, the sum total of
defensive reactions of weak societies or peripheral groups to the substantial
attraction of America's image. That is why opinion (not necessarily negative) of
the United States reveals more about the opinion-upholder than about America.
From this point of view, Russia does not greatly differ from other states. There
are certain differences of course, attributable to the remnants of totalitarian
society and recent trauma - the collapse of the Soviet empire, the United
States' major adversary in the Cold War.
It is perhaps tactless to note that industrialization of the Soviet Union was
possible only with the participation of foreigners (Americans and sometimes
Germans) but it is prudent to remember it, all the same. Back in the 1930s, the
Americans were building factories all over Russia (the GAZ car and truck plant
in Nizhny Novgorod is only one of the better-known enterprises). All educated
people, such as engineers and technicians, knew perfectly well that Russian-made
GAZ, Pobeda, and even Stalin's ZIL cars were modifications of the American Fords
and that LI-2, IL-12 and other Russian civil aviation planes resembled the
Douglases too much. All this never hurt national pride, because not everybody
was aware of the fact. For the average (mostly imagined) foreigner, however, all
these machines were supposed to be symbols of industrial triumphs and successes
of the first socialist state.
Everything changed with the Cold War. Everything that took place was viewed
throught the prism of a global confrontation of the two systems. Attitudes
toward the United States became an element of the culture of the mobilizational
and repressive Soviet society.
Utopian notions of what life is like in "normal countries" existed
side by side with revelations criticizing the bourgeois, with anti-Americanism
in the newspapers. The country of money-worship, of the golden calf. Of racial
discrimination and dumb consumerism. The country of war-mongers.
The feeling of unity with allies dating back to the meeting on the Elbe made
way several decades later to disregard - what kind of soldiers were they!? They
fought cautiously at best, not at all like us. We are the people who carried the
burden of the war (coupled with the almost perverse pride in the sufferings of
the nation that lost more people than any other country). The Russians could not
imagine the real ratio of the casualties - they would never have believed that
the American commanders could have been so careful with their soldiers' lives.
That is why the casualties Russians thought other countries sustained in World
War II were exaggerated - about 15 million lost by Germany (the actual losses
must have been about half of that) and about 10 million by the United States
(this is about 35 times too many). Only for the Soviet Union were the figures
less than the actual amount of deaths. Years passed and the figures began
changing. In 1991, 61% of poll respondents claimed that the Soviet Union would
have won the war even all on its own. In 2001, 71% were of the same opinion.
The loss of leadership in space exploration and even in sports sparked a wave
of bitter humor and jokes. The Afghanistan war and chronic shortages of every
conceivable commodity in the 1980s only reinforced the inferiority complex and,
at the same time, consolidated the importance of the dual American myth. America
is the winning side, America is master of the world. No one wishes Russia any
luck, Russia is the eternal victim. The Russians are the most enduring and
suffering people in the world. No other people's history can match ours for
hardships.
It is typical that humanitarian aid in the early 1990s only reinforced the
complex further. It generated the phenomenon of mass angst, the feeling of
humiliation accompanied by dislike of the West - they are sending utter rubbish
here, which they themselves do not need. The anguish was augmented by
accusations flung at the new elite. (The reforms are a trick, democrats are
traitors who sold off all the nation's wealth, and sold Russia to the West with
the aim of turning it into a colony. How else can our poverty and aggressiveness
be explained to us?) It should also be noted that no open hostility was
apparent.
Dependence and the eagerness to be liked, aggression and the inferiority
complex - all this reveals the true attitude toward America, which is actually
viewed as something exceptional, the fount of everything strong and wise. That
is the center of the world, the zone of concentration of illusions - not
something that generates aspirations and jolts one into action. Like any other
traumatic experience, an inferiority complex can only be cured in one way - if
the cause that generated it in the first place is recognized for what it is.
With regard to America - or rather the Russians' attitude toward America - it
would have meant recognition of American society's technical, civilizational,
and cultural superiority, and the desire to learn the values and rules of social
interaction that resulted in this global social success. The values are clear -
unquestionable superiority of basic human rights (priority of individual over
the state in politics, private property in the economy, liberty limited by the
law in legislation, and so on) and the understanding that the individual's
better nature is best revealed in wealth, not poverty. Impoverishment is not a
recognition of a nation's exceptional spiritual worth, but an indication of its
basic flaw, its inability to create a better life for itself. It is time we
admitted that being poor and sick is to a certain extent a choice, not the fate,
of the Russian people.
Russia lost the 20th century, and this is what it persistently refuses to
understand, much less admit. The competition of the two super-powers was not
merely lost by the Soviet Union and Russia, which persists in calling itself the
legal successor of the former empire. It was the system that was defeated - the
repressive totalitarian system and with it the type of person defending this
social order. The current cries over the lack of civic society, accusations of
the presidential administration harassing NTV and TV-6, secret services
organizing spy trials do not really count because the people viewed as "the
public" cannot defend itself. The people do not trust themselves or others
like them. Solidarity and consolidation requires a different, humanitarian
foundation stipulating difficult cultural values like some form of idealism,
readiness for participation and involvement, self-respect and dignity. And hard
work, of course.
These days, Russia can boast of almost the world's highest level of
aggressiveness, the largest prison population (absolute and relative - as a
proportion of the overall population), and the second highest rate of suicide
(by the way, almost all of the top ten countries on that list are former soviet
republics). Russia is not the only country waging a war on its own territory,
but hardly any other country (at least among those usually referred to as
civilized) can be found where everyone is so indifferent toward civilian
casualties (45,000 in the two Chechnya campaigns is the most realistic
estimate). Asked to explain the West's criticism of the Kremlin's policy in
Chechnya, 65% of respondents invariably reply that "The West wants to
maintain tension in the region" and only 14% refer to human rights abuses
in Chechnya.
It is wrong to assume that the public in Russia is completely unaware of the
human rights violations, or that state censorship and Yastrzhembsky's
demagoguery are so effective in setting up a smoke- screen concealing those
abuses. No. Most Russians know that the federal troops in Chechnya behave like
killers and looters (55% of respondents know of human rights abuses and violence
against civilians in Chechnya). They just don't care. This attitude can be
summed up as follows: Whether my country is right or wrong, it is my country.
The Americans have interests. We have interests too, like any other state. We
are in no way worse. We are like them!
It is not exactly so. Following instincts of the past, the new democratic
Russia has maintained contacts with the world's most despised regimes - North
Korea, Cuba, Hussein, and Milosevic. This attachment to geopolitical rhetoric
conceals - ineffectively - the old longing for brute force, which we no longer
have. The Americans use bombs, and we do. There were casualties in Serbia, and
there were casualties in Chechnya. And nobody cares that the numbers of
casualties are entirely incomparable.
This article uses the results of opinion polls conducted by the National
Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM).
(Translated by A. Ignatkin)
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