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Iran reportedly beefing up against preemptive strikes
on nuclear facilities; Revolutionary Guard lawyers pushing construction
contracts
Steven C. Welsh, CDI Research Analyst,
swelsh@cdi.org
Jan. 31, 2006
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[click here for key links]
Even as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board
of Governors prepares for a Feb. 2, 2006, special meeting to once again address
UN Security Council (UNSC) referral of the Iranian nuclear matter, Jane’s
Defence Weekly reports that attorneys for Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary
Guards Corps (IRGC) have undertaken procurement contracts to bolster
fortifications for Iranian nuclear facilities in anticipation of possible
preemptive strikes. The program reportedly is in coordination with North Korean
experts, largely focusing on tunneling and other underground construction.
The British publication cites “diplomatic sources” as
indicating that in mid-2005 the IRGC legal department called in dozens of
representatives from leading Iranian construction companies to sign
joint-venture contracts for underground tunnel networks and reinforcement of
underground facilities. It also indicates that a group of North Koreans led by
Lyu-Do Myong, affiliated with the North Korean government, arrived in Iran to
provide assistance with the design and construction of underground projects.
The contracts reportedly have been signed and intensive
construction efforts already have been underway, with a focus that includes
Isfahan, site of a uranium conversion facility, and Natanz, site for the
development of centrifuge cascades.
Centrifuge cascades are the portion of the nuclear fuel
cycle that can enrich uranium to a level sufficient to provide nuclear reactor
fuel or, if involving sufficient quantities of material, processed by sufficient
numbers of centrifuges over sufficient periods of time, with the proper
sophistication and expertise, be taken to levels of enrichment high enough to be
considered weapons-grade (i.e., sufficient for use in a nuclear warhead, not
simply a radiological “dirty-bomb”).
At least one nonproliferation expert has provided a
worst-case rough estimate that Iran might be able to produce a nuclear weapon by
2009, while allowing that other experts, including some in the U.S. intelligence
community, consider that it would take Iran a longer period of time.
In any event, Iran in August of 2005 resumed uranium
conversion at Isfahan and on Jan. 10, 2006, began removing 52 IAEA seals from
facilities at its Natanz, Pars Trash, and Frayand Technique sites.
The European Union (EU) and Europe’s “EU-3,” Britain,
France, and Germany, have stated that the August 2005 uranium conversion by
itself was already a breach of the 2004 Paris Accord, the agreement between the
EU-3 and Iran that had provided impetus to delay referral of the Iranian matter
to the UN Security Council (UNSC). Among additional concerns cited by the EU
and EU-3, as well as the United States and others, are a past record of
concealment and deception and revelations of links to the A.Q. Khan illegal
nuclear network that was also tied to proliferation in North Korea and Libya.
On Sept. 24, 2006, the IAEA Board of Governors took the
formal step of acknowledging Iranian noncompliance with Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) safeguards requirements and noting the existence of security concerns
within the purview of the UNSC. The legal framework governing the IAEA and
explaining its partnership role within the broader UN system mandates referral
in such cases.
Ironically, if taking proper account of lessons learned
from the Iraq experience, UNSC referral may lessen the likelihood of, for
example, the United States or Israel ever coming to feel pressured to act
unilaterally over the Iranian matter, to the extent both parties continue to
defer to international cooperation and are made to feel that the international
community views the matter with gravity, is giving it due care, and is engaging
Iran with a bottom-line mentality demanding Iranian cooperation with
international peace and security interests. Moreover, Iranian commercial
partners Russia and China hold UNSC vetoes. Even though their UNSC votes
presumably are not “up for sale,” and considering that neither Russian nor China
have voted against IAEA Board of Governors resolutions expressing growing alarm
over the Iranian matter, one might speculate whether deepening ties with Iran at
least could contribute to a heightened Russian and Chinese understanding of the
unique sensibilities of the Iranian regime.
At the same time, the context in which the controversy
unfolds promises to be complex. Iran experts have pointed to the economic clout
of the Revolutionary Guards, including robust commercial interests. The
above-mentioned article indicates one of the contractors reportedly profiting
from underground construction is the IRGC-owned company Shahid Rajaeia, also
playing a role in setting nationwide standards for underground nuclear facility
fortifications. Any shifting in political power within Iran, including shifts
designed to defuse international concern over nuclear proliferation, conceivably
may have to confront the Revolutionary Guards’ business interests.
An additional issue not discussed in the Iranian debate,
but long a concern of Iranian nuclear contractors since the time of the Shah, is
the fact that Iran is one large earthquake zone. One question left unanswered
is how Iranian and North Korean contractors, as well as Russian contractors at
Bushehr, address not only the question of a military attack, but natural
disaster in the form of earthquakes.
For that matter, concerns over environmental dangers could
be compounded by allegations that at least some design aspects of the plant at
Bushehr, such as the control panel, are alleged to be based on the same
engineering used at Chernobyl.
Further reading:
David Albright and Corey Hinderstein, “Iran’s Next Steps:
Final Tests and the Construction of a Uranium Enrichment Plant,” Institute for
Science and International Security,” Jan. 12, 2006,
http://www.isis-online.org/publications/iran/irancascade.pdf
“E3/EU Statement on the Iran Nuclear Issue,” text of
statement, Jan. 12, 2006,
http://www.info-france-usa.org/news/statmnts/2006/
iran_nuclear011206.asp
“Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the
Islamic Republic of Iran,” IAEA Board of Governors Resolution, Sept. 24, 2005,
http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Board/2005/gov2005-77.pdf
“In Focus : IAEA and Iran: News Update on IAEA and Iran,”
IAEA News Centre (updated regularly with new headlines),
http://www.iaea.org/NewsCenter/Focus/IaeaIran/index.shtml
“New satellite image of the Natanz uranium enrichment
complex in Iran,” Digital Globe-ISIS, Jan.13, 2006,
http://www.isis-online.org/
images/iran/dg_jan2_2006_ann.jpg
Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency,
http://www.iaea.org/About/statute_text.html
“Tehran takes steps to protect nuclear facilities,”
Jane’s Defence Weekly, Jan. 25, 2006, p.4,
http://www4.janes.com/subscribe/jdw/doc_view.jsp?K2DocKey=/content1/
janesdata/mags/jdw/history/jdw2006/jdw13220.htm
@current&Prod_Name=JDW&
(note that online version requires subscription)
Treaty on the
Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,
http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Infcircs/Others/infcirc140.pdf
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