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Show Transcript How the Military Manages Money
Produced March 6, 1994
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Senator JOHN GLENN (D-OH) (Senate Armed Services Committee, 2 Feb. '94):
"...built-in problems you have in management and procurement and -- not only procurement, but
in management
once this stuff is procured and is out there is just -- the situation is abominable."
Senator CHARLES GRASSLEY (R-IA): How can you have this sort of irresponsible
expenditure of taxpayers' money when you don't match a specific dollar spent with a specific
purchase?
WILLIAM PERRY, Secretary of Defense-designate (Confirmation Hearing before Senate
Armed Services Committee, 2 Feb. '94):
"Our financial procedures, our financial data processing systems, our financial processes are
obsolete
and inadequate to the task."
["AMERICA'S DEFENSE MONITOR" program introduction.]
Admiral GENE LaROCQUE: Welcome once again to "AMERICA'S DEFENSE
MONITOR."
Throughout our history Americans have been willing to provide the necessary funds in order to
maintain a military establishment adequate to defend the United States and to carry out our role in
the world. They're perfectly willing to put up the money, to buy the weapons, to train the troops,
conduct operations and to pay our troops a living wage. Americans also feel, however, that they
are entitled to a fair accounting of these huge sums of money which the Pentagon spends each
year.
You'll find in this program today a lot surprises. The Pentagon doesn't always know where the
money it spends goes.
NARRATOR: Secretary of Defense William Perry promises to reform the way the Pentagon
manages its finances. He will have his work cut out for him. The US Department of Defense will
spend about $270 billion this year. An additional $12 billion is spent on nuclear weapons
programs by the Department of Energy. The combined total comes to over $5 billion each week,
every week this year. That is a lot of money.
Currently there are nearly eight million Americans who depend on a Pentagon paycheck each
month. This large workforce includes 2.5 million civilian employees who work in military-related
industries. Nearly three million people are on the military payroll as members of the active and
reserve armed forces, and a little less than one million civilians draw pay working directly for the
Pentagon.
Add to these employees the 1.5 million retired officers and enlisted people who receive Defense
Department checks each month and the grand total of Americans who are either directly or
indirectly on the Pentagon's payroll is eight million people.
The Pentagon payroll will cost $71 billion. Even more costly than the vast payroll of the military
are the new weapons the Pentagon continues to build, and the training and military operations the
armed forces perform every day.
These three categories -- payroll, new weapons and operations -- consume most of the money
Congress provides to the military each year.
Buying more weapons will cost taxpayers about
$61 billion this year -- $61 billion to pay for more planes, more helicopters, more ships, more
missiles, tanks, trucks, and equipment.
The military annually writes checks for yet another
$36 billion to research and develop the weapons that we will be buying in the future. Many of
these way-out weapons and technolo-gies are of doubtful military value. Even so, the Pentagon
devotes 12 percent of its spending to research and development, a greater share than during the
height of the Cold War.
Twenty percent of the Pentagon's total procurement and Research and Development weapons
contracts goes to the five largest commercial contractors:
...McDonnell Douglas, for the past several years, has received over $5 billion annually.
...Northrup, Lockheed, General Dynamics each receive about $4 billion in military contracts
each year.
...And General Electric received $3.5 billion last year alone.
The third major component of military spending is "operations." It includes training of troops;
maintenance of ships, tanks, airplanes, helicopters and other equipment; operation of more than
470 military installations across the United States and 95 military bases in US territories and
foreign countries; and conduct of military operations, such as flying fighters over Bosnia-Herzegovina and sending ground troops to Somalia.
All of these operations and maintenance will consume $88 billion in 1994, unless the
administration asks Congress for even more money before the year is over. The Pentagon has
already received an extra $1.2 billion in 1994 for its operations in Somalia, the former Yugoslavia,
and Haiti.
The secretary of defense faces the challenge of managing this gigantic enterprise. The task so far
has been overwhelming. No previous secretary of defense has succeeded in bringing the Pentagon
budget under control. Secretary William Perry thinks he can succeed where all others have failed.
Secretary-designate PERRY (Confirmation hearing before Senate Armed Services Committee,
2 Feb. 1994):
"I pledge to institute innovative management techniques to vigorously foster acquisition reform
and to preserve a necessary industrial base. I also pledge to come to you in the Congress to seek
the help that I will need to fulfill this responsibility."
NARRATOR: Republican Senator Charles Grassley of Iowa has been a leading advocate of
Pentagon spending reform for almost two decades.
Senator GRASSLEY: Number one is the fact that we've got this constant problem between the
secretary of defense supposedly managing the Defense Department and having these ideas for
reform, and can he carry them out? If he's a very good person, he tries, but then what happens?
He runs up against the military services.
NARRATOR: Jack Anderson, the dean of investigative reporting on government spending, cites
the enormous expansion of the Pentagon bureaucracy that's in the way of financial reform.
JACK ANDERSON: It's an experience that I've watched over and over again during my 47
years of covering the Pentagon. I came out of World War II. We had 10 million men and women
under arms fighting a war. We have more generals, we have more field officers today with a
peacetime army of less than two million men and women than we had fighting World War II with
10 million men and women under arms. It seems that everytime we give up guns, they buy more
swivel chairs.
DAVID SEGAL: Now when the Pentagon goes to war, they have huge numbers of scenarios:
worst-case scenarios, best-case scenarios and everything in between. Not when it comes to
budgeting. They only assume that they're going to get tremendous sums of money.
NARRATOR: David Segal covers the Pentagon for the Washington Monthly, the premier
journal of Washington insider politics. He observes that any reform must address the way that the
military has become accustomed to doing business.
Mr. SEGAL: What you would do is revamp the budgeting process and try in some way to
change the culture of the place; so that it's not the case that the person who procures the most and
brings the most money in wins, but the person who brings in the most efficient programs and
oversees and manages money in the best way.
NARRATOR: The Constitution bestows on the Congress the power over the federal purse.
Each year Congress decides what America's military priorities will be by authorizing funds for
Pentagon programs. In order for reform of any sort to take place, the Pentagon must be
accountable to Congress for the money it spends.
Senator GRASSLEY: First of all, I think it's very important that the Congress of the United
States through its constitutional power of oversight make sure that every dollar is spent legally,
instead of allowing this sort of slush fund environment we have over there to exist. Number one:
If Congress rides herd the way it should, things will change, the culture will change.
NARRATOR: If the Pentagon ignores the will of Congress or fails to keep track of the money it
spends, our democratic control of government is weakened, as is our economy.
Many recall with outrage stories of wildly overpriced coffee pots, toilet seats, and spare parts that
dominated debate about military spending 10 years ago.
Senator GRASSLEY: The Defense Department wants you to believe that they are making
dramatic changes in the way things are purchased, particularly spare parts. I think the most out-standing example is the $600 toilet seat of 1983. And we thought that we had that problem taken
care of and, 16 years later, the $600 toilet seat was costing $1800.
NARRATOR: Jack Anderson highlights a telling instance of the Pentagon's bureaucratic
defiance of the will of Congress.
Mr. ANDERSON: They were authorized under the regulations to recycle tin cans, cardboard
boxes, that sort of thing, to use the money from the recycling for safety, environmental purposes,
but if there was any surplus, they could use it for recreation. So, what they did was start recycling
everything, recycling things that were not recyclable: jet engines, and crashed airplanes, and
electronics equipment, big equipment.
Mr. SEGAL: The Pentagon is sort of like a drunkard in denial: They don't believe that they
have a problem and they need to sort of scrap everything.
NARRATOR: Analysis by the General Accounting Office suggests that military spending is so
great that the Pentagon itself is at a loss to account for where it spends its share of the nation's
treasure.
The Comptroller General of the United States, Charles Bowsher, who heads the General
Accounting Office, delivered a scathing report to Congress castigating the Pentagon for its failure
to get rid of poor financial management practices.
CHARLES BOWSHER: The first audit was the audit of the Army. The second was the audit of
the Air Force. And we found all the usual problems you'd find in any large entity that's being
audited for the first time: Lots of accounting mistakes. A lot of adjustments had to be made to
the closing statements. The inventories were -- hard to tell just how much money we really had in
inventories. A lot of the assets were hard to account for. So, it's a real big problem and it's
something that is long overdue because in the next four years, we'll spend a trillion dollars in
defense.
NARRATOR: The General Accounting Office, or GAO, an arm of the US Congress, is charged
with the broad responsibility to provide members of Congress and the public with independent
analysis of government spending and activities. The GAO's investigations are not influenced by
partisan politics or outside influences.
For the Congress and a public concerned with the high cost of weapons, the poor supervision of
Pentagon spending and
a lack of accountability by Pentagon officials, the General Accounting Office has been the
country's watchdog. Appointed by President Reagan, Charles Bowsher's inspired and skillful
leader-ship has consistently documented thousands of Pentagon practices that have resulted in the
waste of billions of dollars due to poor management and outright fraud.
Mr. BOWSHER: The amount of money that is being wasted or mismanaged is hard to quantify,
but certainly the amount of adjustments were tens of billions of dollars on the financial reports.
And then how that rolls into some of the other problems, we're not quite sure, but we know it's
very large money. And I think the military leaders today recognize this, they've just never made
the investment, and I don't think the civilian leadership has made the investment over there to
really get on top of this problem.
NARRATOR: Congressman John Conyers of Michigan is the highly respected chairman of the
House Government Operations Committee, a leader in the effort to control government spending.
He frequently cites the important work of the GAO.
Rep. JOHN CONYERS (D-MI): Well, without the General Accounting Office, the investigative
arm of the Congress, we'd be hobbled. I'd need five times as many staff because there's no way in
the world that we could even begin to track all of the issues that need oversighting. So, what I am
is a great supporter of GAO.
NARRATOR: Here are some examples of GAO fact-finding.
As of February 1993 the Navy had written upwards of $12.5 billion of what are known as
"unmatched disbursements." GAO chief Charles Bowsher explained to Congress that "unmatched
disbursements" are analogous to writing checks but not knowing which bills are paid.
Mr. SEGAL: You'll find reports about all sorts of weapons systems that the GAO has
investigated. And years before it hit the headlines in the newspapers, years before there was a
great stir about how problematic this program was, you'll find a GAO report that absolutely nailed
down all of its problems, but Congress ignored it.
NARRATOR: The GAO also took public issue with the Army Materiel Command's inadequate
financial recordkeeping. The Army, perhaps in an attempt to out-perform the Navy, wrote $29
billion worth of checks for various purchases and failed to keep finan-cial records of the
transactions.
According to Bowsher's report to Congress, out of 829,000 active Army payroll records, some
203,000 -- 24 percent -- did not correspond to personnel records.
Mr. ANDERSON: GAO has a number of good auditors who do excellent jobs. They do point
out waste and abuse. We're eternally grateful for their reports. We use their reports as a guide for
our own investigations.
NARRATOR: All of the military services are having problems keeping track of the money they
spend. Air Force books listed $630 million paid out for communications satellites stored by
contractors. But no one, according to the GAO, seems to know where, if anyplace, the satellites
exist. They are not shown in the Air Force property management records.
Once the Air Force noted discrepancies in their accounting practices, the GAO reported that they
made billions of dollars in unsupported adjustments to their financial records and failed to
investigate billions of dollars' worth of financial irregularities in order to cover their tracks.
Senator GRASSLEY: You tend to think you're more secure than you really are because
everybody's talking in terms that we're going to be able to carry out our national security needs,
when, in fact, we can't carry them out as defined because we haven't made revolutionary changes
in our approach to defense policy.
NARRATOR: The military's consistent failure to keep track of the money they spend not only
wastes taxpayer money, but can also reduce the nation's combat readiness. According to an
analysis by the GAO of equipment distribution during the war with Iraq, "failure to maintain
accurate property accounts" caused some units to be unable to deploy. Combat readiness suffered
because some units received more equipment than they needed, while others did not receive
enough.
Mr. BOWSHER: The importance of this is that if you waste money, like on inventory that you
don't need because your accounting systems or your inventory systems indicate that maybe you
don't have something, so somebody orders something to make sure that they don't run out -- It's
those kind of things where the money gets used for something that is not needed. Therefore,
you're either impacting readiness or you're wasting taxpayer dollars. It has to be one or the other,
and that's not a good situation, especially when you're dealing in billions of dollars.
Senator GRASSLEY: A major problem with the General Account-ing Office is that if they
come up with something very, very good that you can sink your teeth into it, and then maybe
Congress, in turn, when those changes need to be made or when the General Accounting Office
needs to be backed up, their recommendations carried out, well, maybe the Congress of the
United States gets a little nervous and pulls back.
NARRATOR: Unfortunately, the extensively documented investigations of the GAO have
resulted in little action by Congress or the individual military services.
Mr. ANDERSON: Well, the GAO doesn't do much to correct the problems. The GAO works
for Congress and it's up to Congress to correct most of those problems. Congress has been
ineffective in correcting the problems. Congress has too many ties to the Pentagon, too many ties
to the defense contractors, too many ties to the special interests.
NARRATOR: The GAO has identified widespread abuses by the Pentagon. Yet, Congress
seems unwilling or unable to take the military to task for financial mismanagement, lost checks, or
duplicate payments to military contractors.
If Congress is serious about cutting government waste, it would do well to start with
government's biggest bureaucracy, the Department of Defense.
The GAO is also charged with reviewing programs already funded by Congress in order to
determine if the taxpayers' money is being used properly. In many cases, the GAO analyses
suggest that programs once thought necessary are no longer needed. Once again, the
recommendations of the GAO are often ignored.
Another obstacle to accountability is secrecy. The public is left in the dark and the Congress
cannot do its job if the Pentagon can hide its programs by declaring a military project to be secret;
also known as "classifying" it.
Rep. CONYERS: One of the easiest things for the Pentagon to do in order to justify systems
and additional appropriations for systems that might be questionable is to classify them or classify
some part of the production of them. And unfortunately, too many times, that classification is only
a way to try to prevent us from finding out how inefficiently they've handled very large amounts
of money.
NARRATOR: The ongoing story of the F-22 Air Force fighter program offers a disturbing
picture of the power of the Air Force and military contractors to ride roughshod over Congress.
In 1992, the General Accounting Office reported that the F-22 would cost $16 billion to develop
alone. The total cost of the program is estimated at $87 billion if the Air Force has its way.
The GAO's analysis recommended to Congress and the Air Force that the Lockheed F-22 fighter
program be delayed by seven years because our existing fleet of F-15 fighter planes meets the
country's military needs. The Air Force reacted to the GAO's advice by making their report secret.
In the case of the F-22 -- an $87 billion program -- the Air Force not only ignored the GAO's
report, but has denied much of Congress and all of the public the benefit of the GAO's
investigation.
The Department of Defense continues to evade account-ability to the Congress and the American
public as it continues to spend money at nearly Cold War levels.
Senator GRASSLEY: The Defense Department has plans to build or expend money, $50-, $60
billion more than there's money in the budget to do it. And it's kind of like trying to put five
pounds of manure into a four-pound bag. It's just very difficult to do. And that's been the
situation, even under a Reagan, when there was much more money than there is now under
Clinton and there's a lot less money to spend.
NARRATOR: The F-22 fighter plane is just one example of a widespread problem in all weapon
acquisitions. In a 1992 report, the GAO charged that, "Historically, DoD has overestimated the
amount of future funding that will be available for specific weapons acquisitions and/or has
underestimated the cost of such weapons."
Mr. SEGAL: When the Pentagon makes a budget, one of the things they don't do is have any
kind of worst or best-case scenarios. They only have the best-case scenario. They assume that
they are going to get a colossal sum of money everytime. Even during the Reagan buildup, when
we were spending more on defense than any nation had ever spent, the Pentagon overesti-mated
what it was going to get.
NARRATOR: Unfortunately, the enormous financial problems caused by overestimating future
funding, while at the same time underestimating the costs of building weapons, does not become
clear until long after the development of the weapon has begun. By then, billions of dollars have
already been spent and billions more have been budgeted for further development.
The General Accounting Office has repeatedly said that it is unable to cover or analyze the
Pentagon because of false or inaccurate records. And the Pentagon continues to spend billions of
billions of dollars with little or no accountability, with taxpayers footing the bill.
Mr. BOWSHER: The unfortunate thing is there's been good intentions for the last 25 years and
nothing of major accomplish-ment, in my estimation, has been really brought to fruition. And so,
I'm hoping that as we get going here with the new administra-tion now, that we have a real
program to straighten things out and make some real progress. If we don't, I think the patience of
the Congress and of the taxpayer is going to start to wear out.
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