#8
Moscow News
July 24-30, 2002
U.S.-Russian Relations in the Post-Post-Cold War World
Ambassador Richard N. Haass
(head of policy-planning, US Department of State)

The Joint Declaration adopted at the Moscow/St. Petersburg Summit provides a rich agenda for what it terms "relationship based on friendship, cooperation, common values, trust, openness, and predictability." However, as Americans and Russians look for new areas of cooperation, both sides must be realistic. The U.S.-Russian relationship has suffered too often from inflated expectations and subsequent disappointment. This was certainly the case in the early years of America's relationship with newly independent Russia. Even today, differences undoubtedly will continue in areas such as trade, non-proliferation policy, human rights, and Chechnya. But the United States and Russia will have to manage such differences so they don't swamp cooperation elsewhere.

Among the most difficult issues are Iraq and its weapons programs, Iran, and North Korea. America's and Russia's historical experiences with each of these countries are very different, so it is not surprising to find differences in outlook. Full and open dialogue about them is thus even more important. In some cases, the United States and Russia may be able to work jointly toward a mutually desired outcome. On others, we may differ with Russia. But the ability to discuss and exchange views should be better now than it has been for a very long time.

Chechnya is more than just an irritant in the bilateral relationship. Russian tactics there, particularly against civilians, have profoundly damaged Russia's international reputation. We recognize Russia's right to maintain its territorial integrity and respond to terrorism. But it is clear to most observers that, as is true with other ethnic and societal conflicts, the solution must have a political as well as a security dimension. The United States is prepared to help Russia think through how to resolve this undeniably difficult problem, if that would be welcome.

Russia needs to complete its transformation into a democratic, market-oriented state. Nothing is more important. Russian leaders must recognize that this is the key to Russian prosperity, and to continued integration with the West and with international political and economic institutions. A measure of Russia's success in this endeavor will be continued progress on political reform, human rights, religious and press freedom, rule of law, and economic reform. We are troubled by the backsliding we see in some of these areas, in particular, freedom of the press and freedom of independent political and non-governmental organizations. There will inevitably be stops and starts along the way, but the answer to problems of democracy and reform is more democracy and more reform.

Russia must also do more to defuse the largest potential and actual security threat emanating from Russia today - its remaining Cold War stocks of weapons of mass destruction, the means for their delivery, and related technology and expertise. We will keep cooperating with Russia to eliminate, safeguard and control this material and know-how to keep it from getting into the wrong hands. But the potential for theft of these dangerous materials is only part of the problem. We continue to have concerns about the proliferation of weapons and missile technology from Russia, be it government-sanctioned or not, in particular to Iran. It will be important to expanding our cooperative relationship that we see movement toward resolving this problem.

The United States and Europe also have much to do. As a first step, it is important to realize the full potential of the newly created NATO-Russia Council. Creditors also need to find creative new ways to help Russia deal with its Soviet-era debt. For instance, under the recently announced G-8 Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction, donor governments may choose as one financing option to exchange a portion of Russia's Soviet era debt for Partnership projects in Russia.

It will take hard work, but there is no structural reason why the United States and Russia can't have good relations. The two countries are not rivals, they do not share a disputed border, there is no history of ethnic hatred between them, and there is no longer a fundamental clash of ideology.

Unlike the conflicts leading up to the World Wars, the Cold War ended peacefully. That was a remarkable accomplishment. Now, as President Bush recently told the Bundestag, "Russia has its best chance since 1917 to become part of Europe's family."

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