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Interview Charles Fairbanks
December 6, 1998
CDI's Tomas Valasek
interviews Charles Fairbanks, Director, Central Asia Institute, SAIS, for "War for Oil in the Former Soviet Union?"
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(NOTE: The interviewer's questions have been ommited from this transcript)
I mean it seems to me that in these ethnic wars that there has been an almost total lack of
attention except at Fort Levenworth. I mean there are very few people that look at the way these
wars are actually fought, and that is very important, like why was the KLA so easily routed over
the summer. Not very clear to me, I mean the beginning of it is clear, that they have no training
and no organization, but these wars are not really fought with tanks, I mean aircraft have
occasionally with significance, but it wasn't very Islamic, the Chechnian war, I mean many of
the fighters, but not the society generally, it's not that Islamic. There are a lot of good books
now on the Chechnya, there is Sebastian Smiths book. I think its very likely there will be another full scale war which would be against the interests of
both the United States and Russia and on this they would have significant influence over both the
parties I think that the fall of Treperstoian and the arrival of Cocherian and the really stalemated
negotiations that are going on mean that the chance of much more significant fighting like what
you had in Abhkazia I think if you go out a year or so is fairly high and there have been a lot of
threats of that from the defense minister of Nagorno Karabakh and one has the sense that he's a
man that a long standing unresolved problem can be dealt with by force. I think it will play a somewhat negative role at least if there's no imaginative western diplomacy
because the Armenia side feels very isolated and picked on and the more one raises the oil issue
and the more one suggests to Armenians, 'oh you could have a pipeline too if you would just see
reason on this,' the more it makes them feel the whole world is against them and activated by the
worst motives. I think that when the oil revenues do eventually come to Azerbaijan they'll
produce a lot of social tensions which could take political form and its almost inevitable that the
Azers will buy some expensive weapons. I don't think Azer has any real desire to renew the war
or to contentst the decision militarily but you know if you're beginning to have oil money who
can resist. Well I think a lot of people in the region want to think that way and they want to think they have
superpower patrons much more than they really do . It's a characteristic of i think people in
small countries that they want to think there's someone big who could save them and its very
natural and very human and at the same time people who lived under Marxism which was a very
cynical system which taught people cynicism also had this ideology that everything you see on
the surface is a mask with something behind it, that a government is actually an executive
committee of the bourgeois and so forth tend to think they're huge powers behind the scenes
maneuvering. And one hears a lot of talk about the north-south axis versus the east-west axis.
Very misleading, I think. Misleading in the fact that the united states and to a greater extent Russian certainly they have an
inclination in that direction but they have such mixed motives and such an ultimate
unwillingness to really sacrifice blood and treasure for political objectives. Well I guess I would say that the United States has a real geopolitical interest in that the
Caucuses as has been said is really a kind of bottleneck by which Central Asia has an outlet to
the larger world that also has a similar geopolitical significance north-south if Iran is going to be
unstable in the future which I think it will be the caucuses is extremely important. Then there's
the energy interest which I think is significant and it think the United States has a real idealistic
interest though it only goes so far im not as cynical about the united states as many people in the
former soviet union are I think most Americans really want to be helpful and to help people
become independent and to help them become democratic and prosperous and so forth and it
doesn't mean we would engage in another Vietnam war for that aim but i think up to a point its
genuine. Well I think one can observe with the Clinton administrations policy as in many other areas such
as Kosovo and NATO expansion, there's a great desire to take big initiative without taking out
your wallet. As in many other areas of foreign policy it seems to me the Clinton administration contrary to
what many people expected is willing to take quite decided and bold policies like Dayton
agreement in Bosnia a lot of military intervention which one would no t have expected. But
there's a tendency no t to back up those bold initiatives with real resource not to take out the
wallet and pay or not to make military forces available to fulfill what you might call sort of
quarter commitments there's nothing like a commitments we have to defend nato but if Russia
would suddenly to move to take over the caucuses, it would be a question, why don't we do
something? We may get for example a republican administration in 2001 which unexpectedly is willing to
put real resources and real intervention capability behind the Clinton administration's declared
policies so there's a lot rhetoric and a lot that hasn't been thought through. I heard yesterday a high NATO officials say NATO officials are not good at defending pipelines
which is true I mean there's not enough of them for one thing I think in general that this is an
area where we have genuine concerns about Russian reaction that Russia does really consider it
has a kind of Monroe Doctrine towards the Caucuses and Central Asia and the rest of the CIS
States. And while we don't want to acknowledge that doctrine which Russia is not really able to
enforce, we also don't want to blatantly contradict it. And what is striking to me about American
efforts to help these countries with security which are not insignificant in this administration a lot
has been done but on the one hand we've carries out highly publicized exercises to put actual
American troops in remote place like southern Kazakhstan in the central Asian peace keeping
forces exercise, while not devoting any careful attention to developing the kind of forces and
kinds of connections that would deal with real security problems in a low cost way and those
would not be American GIs but forces of other countries, I mean I leave to the imagination what
they might be but uh the idea of American forces intervening to defend a pipeline is a real worst
case thing which we should be trying to avoid. The NATO forces that are most relevant are Turkish forces and Russia has at least as much of an
allergy about turkeys activism in that area as about ours i think you know a country like Spain or
Italy is somewhat less of a problem. I think the United States to begin with has enormous prestige which we don't use very much to
shape a diplomatic situation and to build up one party and put another party in a difficult position
the united states compared to most countries has a lot of money countries like Azerbaijan and
Georgia to way nothing of half-recognized states like Abhkazia and Nagorno-Karabakh they
have a real struggle just to put together a state apparatus that enforces the law and pays peoples
wages and stuff and we've done a lot with that and we could do a lot more. A third thing I would identify would be the area of security assistance because the caucuses and
Central Asia are two incredible military vacuums except for Armenia Nagorno Karabakh
Uzbekistan and some of the Chechen warlord which don't even represent a state but the other
countries don't have any kind of military force that's useful in a military offensive they might be
able to hold a trench against a low-level attack and I think that renders the whole area very
unstable and its really important to develop preferably military forces which really represent the
citizens rather than you know the professional ones. Real armies internal troops police and so
forth that are capable of actually fighting if there's some kind of disorder. We are giving military assistance to these countries and the pentagon has been laudably active in
developing these possibilities it is mostly things like teaching people English and so forth and it
seems to me there's needed a much more serious program of actually teaching people how
western armies manage their budgets pay their troops deliver their ammunition and fight. I think
a program like the ROTC program like we have in the United States would be a wonderful thing
in these countries because the problem is that by the end of the Soviet Union the military career
had ceased to be socially desirable and during the various civil wars which were to a large extent
were matters of plundering and raping and so forth, not always but in many cases, they - it was
kind of a Darwinian process but which it selected out criminals martial arts types body builders
and studs which were very unrepresentative of the general population of these countries. Those
armies are actually dangerous to the countries involved and its very important just as i think it is
in the united states to involve middle class people in military life because they don't want to
plunder and rape, they don't regard it as fun on the whole. And that will very much tend to damp
down conflicts, well have fewer human rights violations, governments will be less dangerous - i
mean armies will be less dangerous to their governments, and all of that. I think if there is a political solution by negotiation the United States would probably have to
play a major role. I think that in ethnic conflict generally that negotiations are an overrated way
of resolving the crisis because we learn by the experience of arms control that when people sit
down to negotiate they actually become keenly aware of what they're giving up and every tiny
kind of comparative issues. Like in Bosnia it was an issue, someone receiving one percent more
territory than had been promised to them or something and i think that what can be achieved
through trade and confidence-building measures is somewhat underrated what can be achieved
just by passage of time is underrated, what van be achieved by great power fiat if you ever really
were able to have great power consensus is underrated. So I think we can do a lot. Right now i
would concentrate on south Ossetia which is the worlds most obscure secessionist place but is
the one in the post soviet world that's really closes to being resolved, where the deep problems
are the least, and that's where I would start. I don't think anything will really happen on the
Nagorno-Karabakh Peace process for a couple of years I think we're wasting a lot of activity and
prestige by our high-profile role there in a way. The Jane's Intelligence Review reported in '95 that the U.S. representatives to NATO brief
NATO officials on the possibility of extending NATO security guarantees from the Persian Gulf
to the Caucuses and Central Asia as well. What would be the reasons behind that, what would be
the consequences of that? I do think it is an important though not absolutely vital area for American security and in that
sense we should take an active security interest in it. I think that real security guarantees would
offend Russia unnecessarily and go beyond what the American public and NATO are willing to
do which is potentially a lot and I think very few people now - where those places are, and there
has to be one can only give security guarantees that have an accepted significance in the life of
western countries. During the Cold War we got involved in giving security guarantees about
Kimoy and Matzu - that was a mistake. |